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An Exploratory Study of Male Adolescent Sexuality in Zimbabwe: The Case of Adolescents in Kuwadzana Extension, Harare

An Exploratory Study of Male Adolescent Sexuality in Zimbabwe: The Case of Adolescents in... Hindawi Publishing Corporation Journal of Anthropology Volume 2013, Article ID 298670, 11 pages http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/298670 Research Article An Exploratory Study of Male Adolescent Sexuality in Zimbabwe: The Case of Adolescents in Kuwadzana Extension, Harare Sandra Bhatasara, Tafadzwa Chevo, and Talent Changadeya Sociology Department, University of Zimbabwe, P.O. Box MP167, Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe Correspondence should be addressed to Tafadzwa Chevo; tafadzwachevo@hotmail.com Received 8 April 2013; Revised 28 August 2013; Accepted 6 September 2013 Academic Editor: Kaushik Bose Copyright © 2013 Sandra Bhatasara et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Although young people in Zimbabwe are becoming sexually active at a very early age, there is no unified body of knowledge on how they regard sex and construct sexuality and relationships. In many circumstances adolescence sexual agency is denied and silenced. This study explored adolescents’ discourses on sexuality, factors aec ff ting adolescent sexuality, and sexual health. Fusing a social constructionist standpoint and an active view of agency, we argue that the way male adolescents perceive and experience sexuality and construct sexual identities is mediated by the sociocultural context in which they live in and their own agency. Although adolescents are mistakenly regarded as sexual innocents by society, we argue that male adolescents are active social agents in constructing their own sexual realities and identities. At the same time, dominant structural and interactional factors have a bearing on how male adolescents experience and generate sexuality. 1. Introduction [5]. In spite of such narrow conceptualizations of children, a number of studies demonstrate that adolescents are active This study explores empirically adolescents’ construction of sexual beings. Against representations that associate children sexuality. According to Nyanzi [1] sexuality is constructed as with sexual innocence, this study examined adolescents’ dis- the domain exclusive to adults with preconditions of physical coursesonnotionsofsexualityaswellastheirsexualhealthas and social maturity. u Th s, notions of child sexuality are oen ft it has been demonstrated that their needs are dieff rent from viewed as taboo, antithetical, nonissues, or even dangerous thoseofadults. eTh focusofthe studyisparticularlyonboys and cause for moral panic. Such perceptions of “unknowl- because they are implicated in literature as having an active edgeable or ill-informed adolescents” and “high-risk adoles- role in sexuality as evidenced by the fact that the burden of cents” arerifeinthe literature on youthand HIV/AIDS [2]. negative sexual consequences usually falls disproportionately Adult sexual cultures and religious and moral discourses are on females [6]. deployed or implicated in positioning adolescent sexuality as taboo. Putting sexuality and children together remains 2. Background problematic and morally troubling regardless of policy efforts to change this [3]. As noted by Renold [4], underlying this Sexual activities among adolescents are reported to be trouble are familiar ideologies that associate school-going increasing worldwide [7]. Research in sub-Saharan Africa has learners with sexual innocence which creates the myth of an documented high and increasing premarital sexual activities asexual child who must be protected from corrupting sexual among adolescents. It is generally recognized that African information, producing a regulatory mechanism through adolescents are sexually active and suffer from consequences which morality, sexuality, and young people at school are of routineunsafesexual practicessuchasteenage parent- framed. Longstanding tropes of sexual innocence position hood, illegal abortions, and sexually transmitted diseases the child as an object of concern, thwarting sexual curiosity (STDs) including HIV/AIDS. Schaalma and Kaaya [8]note 2 Journal of Anthropology that a review of school based studies of adolescent sexual Given the paucity of information that exists on how behavior in sub-Saharan Africa supports the observation that adolescent boys construct their sexuality in Zimbabwe, this significant proportions of adolescents are sexually active by research will expand on existing body of knowledge on the time they are in their midteens with many having had sexuality. Although the social and historical construction of sexual intercourse with two or more partners and condoms sexuality perspective is not new in both anthropology and beingrarelyusedroutinely. sociology, our understanding is that it has not been widely With reference to Zimbabwe, the demography is typical applied in examining adolescent sexualities in Zimbabwe. of a developing country with nearly 45 per cent of the Our research is framed in contrast to research that addresses population belowthe ageof13and adolescentsconstituting children as relatively passive desexualized beings, focusing on approximately 36 per cent of the total population [9]. The their dependence on adults, their innocence, and their need Intercensual Demographic Survey 2008 report highlighted for protection [5]. The study employs a qualitative method- that Zimbabwe’s population is relatively young with over ology that captures nuanced adolescent experiences hence 62 per cent being 24 years and below. Adolescents in departing from the quantitative approaches used in demo- Zimbabwe face unprecedented challenges; among them are graphic and baseline surveys which measure and quantify sexually transmitted infections (STIs) including HIV/AIDS, sexual behavior. According to Chikovore et al. [15]research high levels of teenage pregnancies, unsafe abortions, and on sexual and reproductive health in Zimbabwe has chiefly limited access to sexual and reproductive health rights [10]. employed quantitative approaches. eTh y argue that studies The 2005/6 Zimbabwe Demographic Health Survey (ZDHS) however need to be complemented with other approaches reported a high rate of teenage pregnancies as high as 21 more appropriate for addressing complexities in sexual mat- per cent, for the 15 to 19 age group. Adolescent fertility ters and for generating experiences and meaning. In this wasreportedtobehigherinrural (120 per1000 girls) than paper we also go beyond the sexual and reproductive health urban (70 per 1000 girls) areas. The onset of sexual activity approach by capturing adolescents’ discourses. generally begins before marriage with close to 40 per cent of female adolescents being already mothers by the time they 3. Theoretical Framework are19years old[9]. In addition to this, there is unavailability of youth friendly Sexual and Reproductive Health services In recongfi uring the predominantly marginalized and sup- (SRH) and adequate related information contributing to posedly passive, Zimbabwean male adolescent, we utilize young people engaging in sexual behaviors that put them at social constructionist theory and the concept of agency to risk of HIV infection. analyze adolescent discourses on sexuality. The focus of In sub-Saharan Africa, as highlighted above, adolescents social constructionist theory is to uncover the ways in which are engaging in premarital sexual activities. According to individuals and groups participate in the creation of their Aggleton and Rivers [11], regionally, the age of sexual debut perceived reality. It postulates that what we perceive as reality for adolescents is falling. However, existing literature about is shaped through a system of sociocultural and interpersonal this theme has largely concentrated on the adult population in processes [16]. Social constructionist theory thus emphasizes the developing world [12]. Izugbara [12]notes that scholarly that sexuality is a social construction. Vance [17]calls fora interrogations of adolescent sex, sexuality, and relationships social constructionist approach to sexuality that would exam- in developing areas are hardly available. If available, these are ine the range of behavior, ideology, and subjective meaning framed within the conn fi es of sex education and considerable among groups and would view the body, its sensations, and attention has been paid to the dangers of heterosexual functions as potentials which are mediated by culture. unprotected sex such as adolescent pregnancy and sexually Thisapproachcan thus be ausefulframework in analyz- transmitted infections. ing adolescent sexuality as it locates the individual/adolescent Interest in adolescent’s agency and sociocultural contexts within a sociocultural milieu; that is, adolescents learn about of their sexual discourses, behavior, and practices has prolif- sexual behaviors and how to interpret sexual behavior within erated recently but the irony is that very little of this debate is a social context. It places greater emphasis on location within informed by what adolescents themselves say about sex, sexu- social structure as the primary force influencing the social ality, and their experiences of them [13]. Usually, adolescents construction of reality, including conceptions and experi- areviewedasahealthystratum of thepopulationand schools ences of sexuality. Social constructionist theory therefore as peaceful arenas where students pursue their academic places more emphasis on the individual’s role in constructing goals. Children and youth are rigidly compartmentalized, reality being guided by prevalent discourses in their societies defined in opposition to adults, and seen as being in need of and cultures [18].Sexualityisthusinufl encedbysocialnorms, adult protection [14]. Against this background, the objectives culture, and personal experiences. of this study are The utility of social constructionist theory can also be (a) to investigate male adolescents discourses on sexual found in its emphasis on meaning attached to sexual acts. relationships and sexuality, According to Vance [17] physically identical sexual acts may (b) to identify factors aeff cting male adolescents sexual- have different social and personal meanings depending on ity, how they are defined and understood in their different (c) to determine sexual health related concerns of male cultures and historical periods. This approach enables one adolescents. to focus on how adolescents define situations and thereby Journal of Anthropology 3 construct realities in contexts in which they live. Social con- also very political. Foucault [25]pointstothe conceptof structionist theory explores an evolving set of meanings that governmentality of sexuality in which conduct of sexuality are continuously created from people’s interactions and the is guided by social control. Such control mechanisms are capability of adolescents in creating and recreating roles from apparent in the processes of socialization in society in which different situations. Through social constructionist theory behavior is imparted and normalized. Rose et al. (2009) cited researchers can look for diverse meanings of sexuality within in Tamale [26] argue that the main aim of socialization is the and between social groups. Besides influencing the way shaping of individuals with a certain mode of self-reflection individuals define and act on their behaviors, socio-historical and certain civilized techniques of self-government. This is constructions also organize and give meaning to collective also highlighted through the policing of female sexuality in sexual experience through, for instance, constructions of Africa and the repressions of homosexuality sentiments in sexual identity, definitions, ideologies, and regulations [ 17]. Zimbabwe and other African countries. In this regard, a more capacious view of children, alert to their agency, can provide fresh perspectives on the salience of 4.2. Adolescent Sexuality. Adolescent sexual behavior, partic- gender and sexuality [5]. By combining a social construction- ularly in sub-Saharan Africa, has been put under the spotlight ist perspective and the concept of agency, we are theorizing in light of the AIDS pandemic which is disproportionately male adolescents as active agents situated within a specicfi affecting adolescent age groups with a particular toll on girls sociocultural context. As Bhana [19] agued, children’s exercise than boys [6, 10]. Literature generally highlights the precar- of agency is socially embedded. ious position adolescents face with regard to their sexuality and poor reproductive health outcomes. Several researches that have been done across Africa usually paint a gloomy 4. The Construction of Sexuality picture about adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa as facing a host of sexual and reproductive health problems; among This section of the study discusses adolescent sexuality within them are STIs, unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortions, lack current and prevailing literature. eTh rfi st section will present of contraception, sexual abuse, and rape. Studies indicate literature on sexuality in general while the second section that sexual debut in Southern Africa is coming too early dwells on literature specifically on adolescent sexuality. with unsafe sexual practices among adolescents especially inconsistent condom use and multiple partners persisting 4.1. Human Sexuality. Sexuality is broadly defined as the despite awareness and programmes to change behavior [11]. range of behaviour associated with the ideals, desires, prac- Insufficient knowledge concerning reproduction, sexuality, tices, and identities linked with sex. Literature on sexuality and contraceptives and inadequate family planning services highlights that the dominant and oen ft recognized form have been cited as the main reasons why adolescents face of sexuality is heterosexuality. According to Mahcera [20] challenges in managing their sexuality. in Africa heterosexuality is a more privileged status than Although much has been documented about the knowl- homosexuality. This usually frames how sexuality is viewed edge, attitudes, and practices of adolescents it must be noted in society, oen ft informing definitions of female and male that much of the scholarship is mainly on children aged sexuality. Hamm (1995) cited by Jaffray [ 21]arguesthat 15–19 years of age [12, 27]. Izugbara [12] notes that there definitions of female and male sexuality aside from cultural are still relatively limited research and evidence on the variations are overwhelmingly directed by the ideology of sexual and reproductive knowledge of children and younger heterosexuality. This leads to other forms of sexuality, that is, adolescents aged 10–14 years of age. WHO [27]notes that homosexuality being construed as deviant [21]. older adolescents aged 15–19 years have drawn the lion’s share Scholarly interrogations on sexuality increasingly high- of the attention while the special needs and concerns of light the social nature of sexuality. eTh y point out that younger adolescents aged 10–14 years (some of whom are sexuality is a product of cultural contexts rather than bio- already sexually active) have been relatively neglected. eTh logicaldrivesand howthese drives aremediatedbyculture. focus upon younger children under the age of ten is partly due According to Caplan [22] sexuality is not biologically given; to children’s assumed incompetence around abstract sexual it is socially and culturally constructed and in constant state health issues [19]. Adolescents are regarded as children and of u fl x. A social constructionist approach to sexuality that ignorant by society and even by researchers, making them an sees biological potentials as essentially mediated by culture uninteresting social group to study. eTh core concern here is has been invoked [17]. Research on the social construction of that excessive sexual knowledge is dangerous because it sug- sexuality points to the differences in sexual practices within gests the erosion of innocence [5]. However, children’s sexual and across cultures. Arnfred [23] points to the existence agency has been expressed in a number of studies. For exam- of multiple sexualities existing in societies. Literature thus ple, studies conducted by Bhana [3, 5, 19, 28]observedthat largely calls for the attachment of meaning and reading of children are active agents in giving meaning to sex, sexuality, sexuality in its context. and even HIV and AIDS. According to Bhana and Epstein, A lot has also been written about the power dynamics [29] sex play remains an important currency in young African inherent in human sexuality. Weeks [24] alludes to the view children’s cultural worlds despite the adult wish to deny it. of human sexuality as being rife with contestation, politics, Another theme that runs through adolescent sexuality and enactments of control and power. Nyanzi [1]notes that literature is the disparity in HIV infection levels between men although sexuality is a private matter the sexual terrain is and women in many parts of Africa especially in adolescent 4 Journal of Anthropology age groups where many more girls than boys are infected. there is an increasing call to utilize the qualitative research HIV prevalence is almost three times higher among women methodology that is flexible and can capture the accounts of aged 15–24 than among men [10]. Various researches note the youths [38]. that age mixing in sexual relationships between older men and adolescent girls (sugar daddies) is on the rise. es Th e 5. Materials and Methods asymmetrical relationships reportedly involve an exchange of money and gifts for sexual favours. These are reported 5.1. Research Design. The research is designed under a qual- to be characterized by gender power imbalances and limited itative paradigm. Gibson and Brown [39] define qualitative negotiating power for the girls involved. The motivations for research as an array of attitudes toward and strategies for younger girls have mainly been construed as being motivated conducting inquiry that are aimed at discerning how human by economic gain; hence, as Masvawure [30]notes,most beings understand, experience, interpret, and produce the of theliteratureonasymmetricalrelationships narrowly social world. According to Marshall and Rossman [40] construes age mixing relationships as economic strategies for qualitative research is pragmatic, interpretive, and grounded survival. in the living experiences of people. Attempts have also been made to articulate the difference A qualitative paradigm suits the goals of this study that are in adolescent sexuality between urban and rural adolescents to solicit how adolescents perceive their sexuality and factors with regard to their sexual practices. Urban adolescents aeff cting their sexuality. It is consistent with the theoretical are reported to be more liberal in their sexual attitudes framework (social constructionism) which is primarily con- than rural adolescents. Peltzer [31] in his research among cerned with elucidating the processes by which people come adolescents in rural and urban South Africa notes that urban to describe, explain, and otherwise account for the world adolescents reported that they had significantly more oen ft in which they live; hence, it becomes important to listen to petted, masturbated, had anal and oral sex, and practiced the participants own voices in studying adolescent boys per- kissing and cuddling more frequently while rural adolescents spectives on sexuality. Qualitative methods such as in-depth more frequently practiced penetrative sexual intercourse. interviews were better suited to explore and study meanings, According to Peltzer [31], among rural adolescents in Zim- experiences, and processes and provided male adolescents babwe few reported ever having masturbated. Relationships with the opportunity to give accounts of their experiences in appear to be less stable among urban adolescents than rural their own words. Its methods are thus consistent with social adolescents due to a number of reasons. constructionist theory. The ways adolescents construct sexuality has also been interrogated within adolescent studies on sexuality. Harrison 5.2. Sampling Strategies. The study utilized convenience et al. [32]cited by Leschand Bremrigde[33] exposed a sampling to select the study site and purposive availabil- common narrative of sexual control, pressure, or in some ity, snowballing, and self-selection sampling techniques to instances even violence by male adolescents on their female select respondents. According to Gibson and Brown [39] partners in heterosexual relationships. Literature also shows in purposive sampling, selection of participants, setting, that adolescent sexuality has predominantly been con- and other sampling units are criterion based. eTh sample structed or understood as impulsive and justiefi d through unitsare chosen becausetheyhaveparticularfeaturesor biology and desire. Lesch and Bremridge [33]notethat characteristics that will enable a detailed exploration and the construction of male sexuality as a difficult to control understanding of the central puzzles that the researcher physiological drive has frequently been adopted and validated wishes to study. In essence, the sampling techniques used in in research on male sexuality. Concerning unsafe sexual this study enabled us to obtain the appropriate respondents behavior amongst South African youth, Eaton et al. [34] whoprovidedsucffi ientdatatomeetour research objectives. found it common for young people to justify unsafe sex by means of a discourse of biology and sexual urges. However, although research on adolescent sexuality highlights issues 5.3. Study Site. Kuwadzana Extension is a formally planned, of deception, coercion, intimidation, and violence, other low-income, high-density area on the western edge of the studies have shown that both men and women may be city of Harare. It is 30 km away from the city centre. It is victims of sexual coercion in heterosexual relationships [35, a housing project which began in the early 1980s, shortly 36]. According to Shefer et al. [37] adolescents oen ft find aer ft the independence of Zimbabwe, and continued in ts fi themselves in situations in which issues of consent, coercion, andstartsinphases[41, 42]. The average monthly income and ambiguous sexual negations are at play. forthe area is 616USDollars with an averagehousehold Attention has also been given to the nature of research size of 6 [43]. eTh site was selected because it provided a that sought to document knowledge, attitudes, and practices population frame that was appropriate for the researchers to of adolescents. Hence, Izugbara [13] notes that traditional recruit and to capitalize on the familiarity the researchers psychology basedhealthbehaviormodelshavetendedto have on the neighborhood as well as the prior networks dominate explanations of adolescent views and commen- that existed with some of the adolescent participants. Hence taries on sex and sexuality. A major criticism of these models forthe researchersthiswas particularly advantageous given is that they ignore the critical sociocultural context that that sex and sexual behavior are sensitive topics; hence there shapes human sexual notions and behavior and the agency of could be difficulties in enlisting participants. Kuwadzana is human beings. As a result, within adolescent sexuality studies the largest of Harare’s high-density areas (HDAs) in Harare Journal of Anthropology 5 andisbelievedtobebroadly representative of theHDAsasit Age of respondents is so large and incorporates different phases developed under various housing policy regimes. 5.4. Sample. The study population comprised 16–19 in-school adolescents. The World Health Organization defines adoles- cence as the period between the ages 10 and 19 years with fur- ther categorizations into three phases: early adolescence 10– 13 years, middle adolescence 14-15 years, and late adolescence 16–19 years. Adolescence can also be conceptualized as the period of transition from childhood to adulthood describing thedevelopment to sexual maturity andtopsychological and relative economic independence. eTh sample is comprised of 40 adolescent boys from the 16–19 age group, a number that was adequate in providing sucffi ient data required for the study. A key informant who is the Guidance and Counseling 16 years 18 years teacher at one of the local schools was also selected to 17 years 19 years participate in the study because of her vantage point in discussing such topics with adolescents. The sample was Figure 1: Age of respondents. small; henceitdoesnot claimtoberepresentativeofthe whole population of Kuwadzana Extension or adolescents in Zimbabwe in general. under the various themes identified from the study objectives. To generate socioeconomic characteristics of the respon- 5.5. Strategies of Data Collection. In-depth interviews were dents from the open-ended questions, data was reorganized the principal method used in gathering data. In-depth inter- andthencoded aeft r data collection. viewing is a qualitative research technique that involves con- ducting intensive individual interviews with a small number 5.7. Ethical Considerations. Conducting research with young of respondents to explore their perspectives on a particular people is fraught with practical and ethical pitfalls (McIlwaine idea. However, because of the usually small samples of in- and Datta, 2006). Sexuality is a sensitive issue in many depth interviews it can be difficult to make generalizations cultures. According to Lie [45] approaching issues of sexuality about the whole population [40]. Key informant interviewing and reproductive health involve careful consideration of was also utilized with a Guidance and Counseling teacher at how to address people, for instance, how to ensure that an oneofthe localschools.Marshall[44]seesakeyinformant as individual’s integrity is protected and how to show respect an expert source of information and because of their personal for existing social values and existing subcultural values. We skills or position within a society is able to provide more sought consent from all of the participants before they were information and a deeper insight into what is going on around interviewed. They were briefed about the research topic and them. informed that they were not obliged in any way to answer any Since the study was concerned with soliciting the percep- questions that they felt uncomfortable with. eTh y were also tions of adolescents on sexuality as well as their needs, in- informed that they were free to withdraw from the interview depth interviewing was suitable as it could best answer the at any time of the research. Participants were also assured objectives of the study. It was compatible with the theoretical of the confidentiality of the research and that the findings inclinations of the study which was concerned with how wouldbeusedfor academic purposes only andtheir real people participate in the construction of their reality. All names would not be used. Permission was also sought from the interviews were carried out using an interview schedule guardians and parents of those who were below the legal age containing open-ended questions. This gave the researchers of majority (18 years). room to explore emerging issues during the interviews. 5.8. Findings. This section presents the key findings of the 5.6. Data Analysis. Qualitative data analysis is the search study thematically. for general statements about relationships and underlying themes [40]. It involves using generalized themes to look at the relationships between components of data. According to 5.9. Social Differentiation of Male Adolescents in the Study. Gibson and Brown [39] thematic analysis refers to the process As highlighted earlier, all of the adolescents who participated of analyzing data according to commonalities, relationships, in our study reside in Kuwadzana Extension, which is a and differences across a data set. In this study, themes were low-income, high-density residential area. eTh majority of derived from the study objectives. One of the key features theparticipantswereaged18(shownin Figure 1)and allof of thematic analysis is the examination of commonalities in them reside with a guardian or parent(s) (Figure 2). With the data (ibid). Accordingly, through coding and labeling, regard to educational levels, the majority of them were high the data was organized in order to identify data that fell school students, currently studying for their advanced level 6 Journal of Anthropology Residential status of respondents Education status of respondents Grade 7 Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5 With a parent With a guardian Number of respondents Number of respondents Figure 4: Highest level of education attained. Figure 2: Residence status. Relationship status of respondents most of the responses was that girls in relationships were failing to decline sex because of love for monetary gains. Girls were also accused of cheating on their boyfriends with com- muter omnibus drivers who were considered risky partners. Some male respondents reported concern about being pressured into sex by girls. According to a key informant, boys actually complain about how girls pressure them into sex shortly aeft r getting into relationships. Another respondent alludedtothe fact that girlsare toopermissivetosexual advances and not decisive in fending them o.ff According to a boy interviewed girls actually enjoy being sexually intimate and long for sex. Referring to girls he had this to say “vana vamazuvano vanoda kubatwa” (these girls like to be fondled and to be intimate). Girls were also reported to refuse to Single In a relationship use protection during intercourse on the pretext that they were not prostitutes or that it was less pleasurable. Some Number of respondents adolescentswereofthenotion that onemusthavesexwithhis partner and failure to do so highlights that the relationship Figure 3: Relationship status. would not be fruitful. One respondent was quoted saying “ukamhanya nemusikana, mukarambana usina kurara naye hauna zvawaita” (if you are in a relationship, if it ends without certificates. The rest were in secondary school. When asked you sleeping with her, you have lost). Male adolescents thus about relationship status, 55% said they are currently in a perceived girls as putting them and their relationships in relationship (Figures 3 and 4). jeopardy and that relationships and love were based on sexual intimacy. 5.10.DiscoursesonSexualRelationships. The majority of the Some respondents expressed concern about not being adolescents interviewed reported concern about the nature able to take care of their girlfriends financially. Financial of relationships with girlfriends. Respondents perceived ado- stability was thus perceived by most boys as being vital in lescent girls as being careless and loose in relationships as maintaining relationships. Respondents felt that failure to well as easy to sleep with. The boys voiced concern about deliver na fi ncially might actually lead to one being unfaithful girls being unfaithful and at times deserting them particularly and putting the other at risk as one respondent put it: for the prospect of financial benefits in other relationships. “ndikasamu supplier avotsvaga kumwe achimhanya neni and Girls were accused of putting relationships at risk because undercover relationships are dangerous”(if Idonot look of greediness and love for money. One respondent remarked aer ft her she will cheat on me resulting in risky multiple “anogona kumhanya neshamwari yako, achimhanya newe partnership). They pointed to the cost of buying airtime as nekuda cash.” (she can manage to go out with both you and well as other na fi ncial obligations expected of them. One your friend simply to get money). The general consensus in respondent pointed out that while parents provided for them Journal of Anthropology 7 n fi ancially they were oblivious of the fact that they had 5.12. Pornography, Peer Pressure, Pocket Size, and Parental other obligations of maintaining their own relationships. One Inu fl ences. Sources were adolescents who obtain informa- tion about sexuality issues that aeff ct their perceptions and respondent perceived the na fi ncial obligations incurred in a attitudes on sexuality. Respondents reported that the media relationshipasbeingtantamounttogettingaprostitute:“gen’a was the main outlet of information where they leant about harizvikete kuti kutenga airtime kunozongofanana nekubhad- sex and relationships through films and music videos. It was hara hure” (some guys do not realize that buying air time highlighted that most boys try to imitate what they consume ultimately amounts to engaging a prostitute). from the media. eTh consumption of pornographic material Those interviewed felt that parents and teachers were not was reported to be very high in schools usually via mobile doing much in advising adolescents in their relationships. phone internet. One respondent commented “marfi imu ane Most of the respondents were concerned by how parents ma notes akaipa manje” (films contain sexual tutorial skills). imposed themselves in their sexual relationships. Respon- Some highlighted how music videos aroused sexual feelings dents reported that parents and teachers should advise them usually through dance moves and type of dress worn. One about sexual activity and relationships rather than dictate to respondent commented “matambiro a Ciarra anokonzeresa them.Theboysfeltthatparents andguardians fail to appre- Mudhara” (the way Ciarra dances is sexually provocative) ciate that times have changed; hence they should adapt to the referring to thesinger’sdance movesassexually provocative. nature of sexual relationships that are now prevalent rather Respondents also reported peer influence as aeff cting than being old fashioned: “ngavafambirane nenguva kwete decision making on issues relating to sexuality. Peer groups kuti usadaro usadaro ngavapinde maari kwete kuva opposite” were reported to be a hive where adolescent boys discussed (they should live in the present not to tell you do not it; sexuality issues as well as boasting about sexual conquests. instead they should give me money and be more supportive). When quizzed why sexual conquests were important the Adolescent boys perceive parents as not being open when majority of theboyssaidthatthiswas becauseofprestige talking about issues of sexuality. The respondents highlighted among peers as one boy put it “gen’a rinoda sugar nekuko- that although they were not willing to talk about sexual activ- reswa” (they want social recognition and prestige). One ity they already knew about it: “kana vakasatitaurira tagara respondent highlighted that most of the narratives told were tinozviziva” (even if they do not tell us we already know). fabrications to gain social recognition but some try to live up to those narratives usually putting their sexual health at 5.11. Sexual Encounters of Size and Sexual Satisfaction. Mean- risk. os Th e who do not live up to the standards of the group ings attached to sexual performance emerged from respon- are usually ridiculed and put under pressure and taunted for dents. er Th e were suggestions that sexual performance sym- being cowards. Some peers were reported to inu fl ence others bolized a “real man” and one should satisfy his girlfriend to engage in risky behaviors. sexually. A respondent alluded to the fact that sometimes girls Respondents also reported economic circumstances as mock those they perceive to be incapable of satisfying them having a bearing on sexuality. Respondents highlighted that sexually by demeaning their manhood. Girls were reported most adolescents who were unemployed and no longer went to school usually indulged in substance abuse and alcoholism to mock them saying “muface uyu haagone kubata haana that usually inu fl enced them to practice unprotected sex dhiri” (this guy is incapable of sexually satisfying). Usually andhavemultiplepartnersespeciallywhendrunk or high. adolescent boys are reported to brag about their sexual Respondents suggested idleness of some adolescents due to prowess and duration they can last during intercourse. Boys lack of economic prospects as prompting them to chase girls in the study associated good sex skills with the ability to last as they have nothing else to do, usually leading to early preg- long in the sexual act. Premature ejaculation was thus a major nancies: “gen’a rinogara mu bridge harina zvimwe zvekuita concern, was demeaned and considered embarrassing, and kunze kwekutsvaga mabhebhi nekuputa mbanje”(thosewho resembled weakness. areunemployedhavenothing to do butchasing girlsand Some adolescent boys reported concern about the size smoking marijuana). Lack of knowledge and embarrassment of their genitals. Those with small genitals were said to be reportedly deterred adolescent boys from seeking treatment ridiculed and perceived to be less potent sexually and unable for sexual health. Another respondent reported that it was to satisfy their partners while those with genitals considered difficult to convince a girl to go for HIV testing because she being the ideal were perceived to be sexually potent and able will be financially better. One respondent reported a phe- to satisfy sexually during intercourse. One participant refer- nomenon were guys who are na fi ncially stable refuse to use ring to those with small penises commented “kana unediki condoms: “vanenge vane cash havadi kushandisa ma condom, unosekwa” (if you have a small penis you are ridiculed). A anenge achida kupinda akadaro, hanzi ndoda kukakaurisa” big penis was thus viewed as a symbol of sexual strength and (those with money refuse to use condoms because they want thought to be admired by girls. Some boys were reported to to fix girls). take mugondorosi (herbs) that are thought to enhance their Ignorance and denial were cited during interviews as penis sizes. Some reported frustration with girlfriends as affecting sexual activity and behavior as well as risk percep- they sought to be adventurous and engaged in some sexual tion.Itwas highlightedthatsomeadolescentboyswereaware practices that girls considered inappropriate. Some guys were of the consequences of having multiple partners and not using reported to demand oral sex from their girlfriends and it was protection yet they continued to do so because of a carefree reported as a popular phenomenon among some boys. attitude about the consequences. A key informant pointed out 8 Journal of Anthropology that adolescent boys usually could not contemplate that what condoms was also cited as problematic. During interviews has happened to a friend can also befall them. accounts were narrated of some adolescents getting expired Respondents highlighted that parents should discuss condoms from friends because they had no reliable sources to openly with their children issues of sexuality. It was pointed access condoms coupled with shyness to purchase condoms out that failure to talk and inform boys about the dangers over the counter in shops. Lack of privacy at home was of sexual activity and how to mitigate them resulted in also cited as a deterrent factor preventing boys from keeping adolescents seeking information from media and peers. Lack condoms hence when they wanted some they have to ask of parental guidance and supervision was usually linked to from friends. Adolescents are also concerned about early poor sexual behavioral outcomes as adolescents are faced treatment for sexual diseases at clinics and hospitals rather with conflicting messages from media and peers. Respon- than trying to seek treatment amongst themselves. Some boys dents reported that those with relaxed parental supervision were reported to seek help and treatment from friends to cure had more opportunities to indulge in adolescent sexual syphilis. intercourse. Adolescents reported frustration as well. For example, all the boys were living with either parent(s) or 6. Discussion guardians;hencetheyhavenoprivacyorroomstobesexually intimate. os Th e boys with absentee parents or guardians were This section discusses the research findings in light of existing the envy of some of the boys. eTh y were reported to be able to literature,theory, andconcepts. Mahcera[20]arguesthatin spendthe wholeday with agirl, aphenomena widely termed Africa male and female sexualities have been patterned by “kuvharira”(having base with some referring to their houses cultural definitions of masculinities and femininities. Hence, as lodges). it canbearguedthatthere is aclose link betweensexuality and masculinity in Africa. According to Connell [46]the 5.13.SexualHealthConcerns. Respondents expressed the term masculinity signifies a collective gender identity and not need for parental guidance. It was reported that there must a natural attribute. It is socially constructed, u fl id resulting be open communication between parents and children on in diverse forms across different times and contexts, and is sexuality issues. Adolescents interviewed felt that parents mediated by sociocultural position, age, and other factors. were reluctant to talk openly about issues of love, sex, and He further notes that masculinity also defines how boys and relationships. They pointed out that usually mothers and men should behave, be treated, dress, and appear and what girls were the ones who usually could discuss issues of attitudes and qualities they should have. Such definitions have sexuality, but rarely with boys. Some were however reluctant influences on the construction of sexuality within a society. It to speak about sexual activity with parents or guardians but is our argument that the behavior and attitudes of boys are cited immediate family members like brothers and sisters as consistent with traditional forms of heterosexual masculinity ideal to advise them about sexuality issues. It was pointed and that sexuality of adolescent boys in the study is mediated out that parents should share their experiences as they had by prevalent discourses of masculinity which have been noted experienced such situations before; hence they are in a better to be socially constructed [20]. position to offer advice. Some respondents reported the need for accurate infor- Connected to the representation of masculinity among mation about sexual activity. During interviews it was these boys is sexual performance, and prowess is perceived to reported that the main sources of information were the media be critical in the boys’ sexual practices and their construction and peers with a few acknowledging acquiring information of sexuality. Boys reported how important it was to be from parents or school sex education. It was highlighted dur- sexually active and powerful in relationships regardless of ing interviews that much of the information discussed with the socioeconomic context they exist in (such as the context peers was not practical as highlighted by one respondent who in which HIV and AIDS are highly prevalent). Duration said “rimwe team rinotaura zvinhu kuti rikoreswe, zvizhinji during intercourse was highlighted to be important and a source of pride; hence premature ejaculation was widely zvacho i bhaiz”(most of thethingssaidbypeers arefabri- cations to give a false picture of prowess or heroism). A key ridiculed and undesirable. Connell [46]notes that notions informant interviewed pointed out that unless adolescents of masculinity are also closely associated with male virility, are taught at school they have poor or misleading knowledge sexuality, and sexual performance. Sex for men is thus about sexuality. Another respondent expressed the need for constructed as encompassing male virility, size of penis, and practical demonstrations in sexual education rather than just assumed potency in bed. Ratele [47]notes that in many parts raw information. He alluded to the visual impact of videos, if not all of postcolonial Africa, a significant theme of being films, and pictures so they could understand better. a man revolves around sex. He further observes that nearly Adolescents need treatment for sexual health diseases in everywhere in the world sex is closely associated with our clinics to be ao ff rdable. A key informant interviewed noted sexual partners, sexual appeal of our partners, the size of our that prices demanded at local clinics in Kuwadzana were a penis, theclaimswemakeabout oursexual stamina, andhow deterrent for adolescents seeking treatment. It is not that it is virile we are. not that ao ff rdable, but many boys do not have access to such Meanings attached to the adolescent male body are essen- money even though it is not much. It was highlighted that it tial in the construction of masculinity. Our findings reveal wasverydicffi ult forboystoask forsuchmoney from parents how some adolescent boys are concerned about the size of without being questioned on their intentions. Easy access to their penises. As highlighted in the study a small penis is Journal of Anthropology 9 a source of ridicule and shame. Contrary to biological deter- displays of sexual interest). u Th s, female sexual agency is minism,thisissobecause abig penisissociallyconstructed oen ft denied in that young women are not expected to initiate as demonstrating sexual potency and ability to fulfill a girl. or actively participate in sex but rather to let it happen to them Izugbara [12] observed how prevailing codes of sexuality [50]. Here we can note how male adolescents also display and sexual conduct in contemporary Nigeria are socially misogynistic and derogatory tendencies as part of creating produced and fed by oppressive patriarchal subjectivities and and maintaining their sexuality when they regard girls as ideologies among them penis-centred (i.e., they glorify and “loose”, “greedy,” and “careless.” idolize traditional imageries of masculinity and male sexual In relation to the above, Arnfred [23]alsopointsout that prowess and encourage the objectification of women and although women are expected to provide sex, it is unac- their bodies). We argue that pressure to pursue sex in rela- ceptable forthemtoinitiateit. Such notionsgiveweightto tionships also highlights influences of hegemonic discourses assertions by Arnfred [23] that in African contexts, a culture of male masculinity. Some adolescents in the study regard of silence assumed by women indicates a socially accepted sex as an important aspect of relationships and something behavioral constraint dictating that women reserve modesty that must be pursued. It was generally agreed that one must anddiscretioninsexual relationswhile menare constructed have sex in a relationship before it is terminated for it to as sexually unrestrained, confident, and forthright. Attempts be labeled a success. Such notions are usually informed by to move into an initiating role can have serious negative con- social expectations of how males should behave sexually. sequences for them, with the assumption being that they are The findings underscore that notions of sexuality and how sexually experienced, and have an experience that is reserved adolescent boys perceive themselves are widely framed and for men (ibid). Such notions of adolescent boy’s views on located within the wider discourses of masculinity; hence, sexuality can be argued to arise from widely accepted con- male adolescent sexuality is a social construction. cepts of masculinity. Boy’s views in our study are thus derived Silberschimdt [48] alludes to the view that masculinity fromthesocioculturalmilieuandprevailingdiscoursesabout worldwide has increasingly been constructed from wage masculinity. By subscribing to such notions it can be argued earning power. Our study results highlight that boys in the that boys’ views are being framed by masculine and feminine study conform to traditional gender roles in negotiating definitions of culturally prescribed behavior for males and relationships, as they are concerned about n fi ancially main- females with ideas about femininity being associated with taining relationships. From the narratives of some of the passivity while masculinity is associated with authority and boys in the study it can be noted that boys are expected to domination [23]. As Martino [18] argues, their perceptions take the breadwinner role in relationships whilst girls were are being guided by prevalent discourses in their culture. regarded as predominantly materialistic and too demanding. On the other hand, besides denial of female sexual agency, The boys are actually anxious about desertion that results boys framed the pressure they get from their girlfriends in if one fails to provide na fi ncially in a relationship. Boys’ terms of sexual coercion. Subtle forms of coercion can also financial obligations in relationships are premised on existing be noticed when girls ridicule and demean boys about poor traits of masculinity, which define the male as the one who sexual performance. u Th s, although literature highlights sex- fends for the family. This subscribes to expectations of males ual coercion and violence in adolescent heterosexual relation- as providers. Pattman [49] also highlights from his studies in ships as predominantly perpetuated against females by males, Botswana, Kenya, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia, issues of coercion in heterosexual relationships are complex. and Zimbabwe that boys were expected not only to “propose It can be argued that adolescent sexuality does not love” but also to be economic providers in heterosexual occur in a vacuum but is rather mediated by the context relations. In this regard, sexuality is premised on the notion of everyday interaction with their environment. Responses of prevailing ideas of male social roles in relationships. The from boys in the study point to the various influences that pressure to provide might thus be explained by aligning to shape meanings and sexual attitudes of adolescents. Their the socially constructed roles of men and women in society sexual behavior and practices are framed in relation to peers, (expectations of males as providers). Such expectations can media, and economic circumstances. eTh media (television, thus be located within the social milieu in which adolescent music, and internet) and peers have become important parts boys live in and are socialized into. of a repertoire of ideas and practices adolescents replicate. This study argues that male adolescents construct, cele- About peer groups, Valentine [51]isofthe view that youth brate, and venerate their sexuality as hegemonic as such they have to position himself or herself in relation to both adult do not appreciate female agency in sexual encounters. Female and peer cultures. In terms of the media, adolescents are coercion, pressure, or suggestions on nonuse of condoms bombarded with media messages, which may save to rein- during sexual encounters is perceived negatively. Such an force inflexible gender and sexual roles. Adolescents observe approach resonates with wider societal ideologies on fem- several aspects of sexuality such as gender roles, aeff ction ininities and masculinities in Zimbabwe. u Th s, any form and intimacy, erotic behavior, and family life. Ultimately, the of female agency in heterosexual relationships challenges media has important implications on adolescent sexuality as or “troubles” these boys. Notions of active masculinities sex encounters in the media are erroneously presented as andpassive femininities areentrenchedsuchthatfemale spontaneous, romantic, and risk free, with use of contracep- coercion or pressure is “immoral” and wayward. Pattman tion and contraction of sexually transmitted infections rare. [49] also found that boys were constructed as initiators of eTh refore, social institutions not only give meanings to sexual heterosexual relations through “proposing love” (including acts but also provide sexual scripts to the male adolescents. 10 Journal of Anthropology Parent to child communication regarding sexuality is pre- STI: Sexually transmitted infection dominantly characterized by silence. Boys in the study point UNAIDS: Joint United Nations Programme on out that when parents talk about sexuality issues this is usually HIV/AIDS with girls but rarely with boys. In the absence of such talk UNFPA: United Nations Population Fund adolescent boys usually end up getting such information, WHO: World Health Organization which is often inaccurate and ambiguous from the media ZDHS: Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey. or peers. 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An Exploratory Study of Male Adolescent Sexuality in Zimbabwe: The Case of Adolescents in Kuwadzana Extension, Harare

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Copyright © 2013 Sandra Bhatasara et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
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Hindawi Publishing Corporation Journal of Anthropology Volume 2013, Article ID 298670, 11 pages http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/298670 Research Article An Exploratory Study of Male Adolescent Sexuality in Zimbabwe: The Case of Adolescents in Kuwadzana Extension, Harare Sandra Bhatasara, Tafadzwa Chevo, and Talent Changadeya Sociology Department, University of Zimbabwe, P.O. Box MP167, Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe Correspondence should be addressed to Tafadzwa Chevo; tafadzwachevo@hotmail.com Received 8 April 2013; Revised 28 August 2013; Accepted 6 September 2013 Academic Editor: Kaushik Bose Copyright © 2013 Sandra Bhatasara et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Although young people in Zimbabwe are becoming sexually active at a very early age, there is no unified body of knowledge on how they regard sex and construct sexuality and relationships. In many circumstances adolescence sexual agency is denied and silenced. This study explored adolescents’ discourses on sexuality, factors aec ff ting adolescent sexuality, and sexual health. Fusing a social constructionist standpoint and an active view of agency, we argue that the way male adolescents perceive and experience sexuality and construct sexual identities is mediated by the sociocultural context in which they live in and their own agency. Although adolescents are mistakenly regarded as sexual innocents by society, we argue that male adolescents are active social agents in constructing their own sexual realities and identities. At the same time, dominant structural and interactional factors have a bearing on how male adolescents experience and generate sexuality. 1. Introduction [5]. In spite of such narrow conceptualizations of children, a number of studies demonstrate that adolescents are active This study explores empirically adolescents’ construction of sexual beings. Against representations that associate children sexuality. According to Nyanzi [1] sexuality is constructed as with sexual innocence, this study examined adolescents’ dis- the domain exclusive to adults with preconditions of physical coursesonnotionsofsexualityaswellastheirsexualhealthas and social maturity. u Th s, notions of child sexuality are oen ft it has been demonstrated that their needs are dieff rent from viewed as taboo, antithetical, nonissues, or even dangerous thoseofadults. eTh focusofthe studyisparticularlyonboys and cause for moral panic. Such perceptions of “unknowl- because they are implicated in literature as having an active edgeable or ill-informed adolescents” and “high-risk adoles- role in sexuality as evidenced by the fact that the burden of cents” arerifeinthe literature on youthand HIV/AIDS [2]. negative sexual consequences usually falls disproportionately Adult sexual cultures and religious and moral discourses are on females [6]. deployed or implicated in positioning adolescent sexuality as taboo. Putting sexuality and children together remains 2. Background problematic and morally troubling regardless of policy efforts to change this [3]. As noted by Renold [4], underlying this Sexual activities among adolescents are reported to be trouble are familiar ideologies that associate school-going increasing worldwide [7]. Research in sub-Saharan Africa has learners with sexual innocence which creates the myth of an documented high and increasing premarital sexual activities asexual child who must be protected from corrupting sexual among adolescents. It is generally recognized that African information, producing a regulatory mechanism through adolescents are sexually active and suffer from consequences which morality, sexuality, and young people at school are of routineunsafesexual practicessuchasteenage parent- framed. Longstanding tropes of sexual innocence position hood, illegal abortions, and sexually transmitted diseases the child as an object of concern, thwarting sexual curiosity (STDs) including HIV/AIDS. Schaalma and Kaaya [8]note 2 Journal of Anthropology that a review of school based studies of adolescent sexual Given the paucity of information that exists on how behavior in sub-Saharan Africa supports the observation that adolescent boys construct their sexuality in Zimbabwe, this significant proportions of adolescents are sexually active by research will expand on existing body of knowledge on the time they are in their midteens with many having had sexuality. Although the social and historical construction of sexual intercourse with two or more partners and condoms sexuality perspective is not new in both anthropology and beingrarelyusedroutinely. sociology, our understanding is that it has not been widely With reference to Zimbabwe, the demography is typical applied in examining adolescent sexualities in Zimbabwe. of a developing country with nearly 45 per cent of the Our research is framed in contrast to research that addresses population belowthe ageof13and adolescentsconstituting children as relatively passive desexualized beings, focusing on approximately 36 per cent of the total population [9]. The their dependence on adults, their innocence, and their need Intercensual Demographic Survey 2008 report highlighted for protection [5]. The study employs a qualitative method- that Zimbabwe’s population is relatively young with over ology that captures nuanced adolescent experiences hence 62 per cent being 24 years and below. Adolescents in departing from the quantitative approaches used in demo- Zimbabwe face unprecedented challenges; among them are graphic and baseline surveys which measure and quantify sexually transmitted infections (STIs) including HIV/AIDS, sexual behavior. According to Chikovore et al. [15]research high levels of teenage pregnancies, unsafe abortions, and on sexual and reproductive health in Zimbabwe has chiefly limited access to sexual and reproductive health rights [10]. employed quantitative approaches. eTh y argue that studies The 2005/6 Zimbabwe Demographic Health Survey (ZDHS) however need to be complemented with other approaches reported a high rate of teenage pregnancies as high as 21 more appropriate for addressing complexities in sexual mat- per cent, for the 15 to 19 age group. Adolescent fertility ters and for generating experiences and meaning. In this wasreportedtobehigherinrural (120 per1000 girls) than paper we also go beyond the sexual and reproductive health urban (70 per 1000 girls) areas. The onset of sexual activity approach by capturing adolescents’ discourses. generally begins before marriage with close to 40 per cent of female adolescents being already mothers by the time they 3. Theoretical Framework are19years old[9]. In addition to this, there is unavailability of youth friendly Sexual and Reproductive Health services In recongfi uring the predominantly marginalized and sup- (SRH) and adequate related information contributing to posedly passive, Zimbabwean male adolescent, we utilize young people engaging in sexual behaviors that put them at social constructionist theory and the concept of agency to risk of HIV infection. analyze adolescent discourses on sexuality. The focus of In sub-Saharan Africa, as highlighted above, adolescents social constructionist theory is to uncover the ways in which are engaging in premarital sexual activities. According to individuals and groups participate in the creation of their Aggleton and Rivers [11], regionally, the age of sexual debut perceived reality. It postulates that what we perceive as reality for adolescents is falling. However, existing literature about is shaped through a system of sociocultural and interpersonal this theme has largely concentrated on the adult population in processes [16]. Social constructionist theory thus emphasizes the developing world [12]. Izugbara [12]notes that scholarly that sexuality is a social construction. Vance [17]calls fora interrogations of adolescent sex, sexuality, and relationships social constructionist approach to sexuality that would exam- in developing areas are hardly available. If available, these are ine the range of behavior, ideology, and subjective meaning framed within the conn fi es of sex education and considerable among groups and would view the body, its sensations, and attention has been paid to the dangers of heterosexual functions as potentials which are mediated by culture. unprotected sex such as adolescent pregnancy and sexually Thisapproachcan thus be ausefulframework in analyz- transmitted infections. ing adolescent sexuality as it locates the individual/adolescent Interest in adolescent’s agency and sociocultural contexts within a sociocultural milieu; that is, adolescents learn about of their sexual discourses, behavior, and practices has prolif- sexual behaviors and how to interpret sexual behavior within erated recently but the irony is that very little of this debate is a social context. It places greater emphasis on location within informed by what adolescents themselves say about sex, sexu- social structure as the primary force influencing the social ality, and their experiences of them [13]. Usually, adolescents construction of reality, including conceptions and experi- areviewedasahealthystratum of thepopulationand schools ences of sexuality. Social constructionist theory therefore as peaceful arenas where students pursue their academic places more emphasis on the individual’s role in constructing goals. Children and youth are rigidly compartmentalized, reality being guided by prevalent discourses in their societies defined in opposition to adults, and seen as being in need of and cultures [18].Sexualityisthusinufl encedbysocialnorms, adult protection [14]. Against this background, the objectives culture, and personal experiences. of this study are The utility of social constructionist theory can also be (a) to investigate male adolescents discourses on sexual found in its emphasis on meaning attached to sexual acts. relationships and sexuality, According to Vance [17] physically identical sexual acts may (b) to identify factors aeff cting male adolescents sexual- have different social and personal meanings depending on ity, how they are defined and understood in their different (c) to determine sexual health related concerns of male cultures and historical periods. This approach enables one adolescents. to focus on how adolescents define situations and thereby Journal of Anthropology 3 construct realities in contexts in which they live. Social con- also very political. Foucault [25]pointstothe conceptof structionist theory explores an evolving set of meanings that governmentality of sexuality in which conduct of sexuality are continuously created from people’s interactions and the is guided by social control. Such control mechanisms are capability of adolescents in creating and recreating roles from apparent in the processes of socialization in society in which different situations. Through social constructionist theory behavior is imparted and normalized. Rose et al. (2009) cited researchers can look for diverse meanings of sexuality within in Tamale [26] argue that the main aim of socialization is the and between social groups. Besides influencing the way shaping of individuals with a certain mode of self-reflection individuals define and act on their behaviors, socio-historical and certain civilized techniques of self-government. This is constructions also organize and give meaning to collective also highlighted through the policing of female sexuality in sexual experience through, for instance, constructions of Africa and the repressions of homosexuality sentiments in sexual identity, definitions, ideologies, and regulations [ 17]. Zimbabwe and other African countries. In this regard, a more capacious view of children, alert to their agency, can provide fresh perspectives on the salience of 4.2. Adolescent Sexuality. Adolescent sexual behavior, partic- gender and sexuality [5]. By combining a social construction- ularly in sub-Saharan Africa, has been put under the spotlight ist perspective and the concept of agency, we are theorizing in light of the AIDS pandemic which is disproportionately male adolescents as active agents situated within a specicfi affecting adolescent age groups with a particular toll on girls sociocultural context. As Bhana [19] agued, children’s exercise than boys [6, 10]. Literature generally highlights the precar- of agency is socially embedded. ious position adolescents face with regard to their sexuality and poor reproductive health outcomes. Several researches that have been done across Africa usually paint a gloomy 4. The Construction of Sexuality picture about adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa as facing a host of sexual and reproductive health problems; among This section of the study discusses adolescent sexuality within them are STIs, unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortions, lack current and prevailing literature. eTh rfi st section will present of contraception, sexual abuse, and rape. Studies indicate literature on sexuality in general while the second section that sexual debut in Southern Africa is coming too early dwells on literature specifically on adolescent sexuality. with unsafe sexual practices among adolescents especially inconsistent condom use and multiple partners persisting 4.1. Human Sexuality. Sexuality is broadly defined as the despite awareness and programmes to change behavior [11]. range of behaviour associated with the ideals, desires, prac- Insufficient knowledge concerning reproduction, sexuality, tices, and identities linked with sex. Literature on sexuality and contraceptives and inadequate family planning services highlights that the dominant and oen ft recognized form have been cited as the main reasons why adolescents face of sexuality is heterosexuality. According to Mahcera [20] challenges in managing their sexuality. in Africa heterosexuality is a more privileged status than Although much has been documented about the knowl- homosexuality. This usually frames how sexuality is viewed edge, attitudes, and practices of adolescents it must be noted in society, oen ft informing definitions of female and male that much of the scholarship is mainly on children aged sexuality. Hamm (1995) cited by Jaffray [ 21]arguesthat 15–19 years of age [12, 27]. Izugbara [12] notes that there definitions of female and male sexuality aside from cultural are still relatively limited research and evidence on the variations are overwhelmingly directed by the ideology of sexual and reproductive knowledge of children and younger heterosexuality. This leads to other forms of sexuality, that is, adolescents aged 10–14 years of age. WHO [27]notes that homosexuality being construed as deviant [21]. older adolescents aged 15–19 years have drawn the lion’s share Scholarly interrogations on sexuality increasingly high- of the attention while the special needs and concerns of light the social nature of sexuality. eTh y point out that younger adolescents aged 10–14 years (some of whom are sexuality is a product of cultural contexts rather than bio- already sexually active) have been relatively neglected. eTh logicaldrivesand howthese drives aremediatedbyculture. focus upon younger children under the age of ten is partly due According to Caplan [22] sexuality is not biologically given; to children’s assumed incompetence around abstract sexual it is socially and culturally constructed and in constant state health issues [19]. Adolescents are regarded as children and of u fl x. A social constructionist approach to sexuality that ignorant by society and even by researchers, making them an sees biological potentials as essentially mediated by culture uninteresting social group to study. eTh core concern here is has been invoked [17]. Research on the social construction of that excessive sexual knowledge is dangerous because it sug- sexuality points to the differences in sexual practices within gests the erosion of innocence [5]. However, children’s sexual and across cultures. Arnfred [23] points to the existence agency has been expressed in a number of studies. For exam- of multiple sexualities existing in societies. Literature thus ple, studies conducted by Bhana [3, 5, 19, 28]observedthat largely calls for the attachment of meaning and reading of children are active agents in giving meaning to sex, sexuality, sexuality in its context. and even HIV and AIDS. According to Bhana and Epstein, A lot has also been written about the power dynamics [29] sex play remains an important currency in young African inherent in human sexuality. Weeks [24] alludes to the view children’s cultural worlds despite the adult wish to deny it. of human sexuality as being rife with contestation, politics, Another theme that runs through adolescent sexuality and enactments of control and power. Nyanzi [1]notes that literature is the disparity in HIV infection levels between men although sexuality is a private matter the sexual terrain is and women in many parts of Africa especially in adolescent 4 Journal of Anthropology age groups where many more girls than boys are infected. there is an increasing call to utilize the qualitative research HIV prevalence is almost three times higher among women methodology that is flexible and can capture the accounts of aged 15–24 than among men [10]. Various researches note the youths [38]. that age mixing in sexual relationships between older men and adolescent girls (sugar daddies) is on the rise. es Th e 5. Materials and Methods asymmetrical relationships reportedly involve an exchange of money and gifts for sexual favours. These are reported 5.1. Research Design. The research is designed under a qual- to be characterized by gender power imbalances and limited itative paradigm. Gibson and Brown [39] define qualitative negotiating power for the girls involved. The motivations for research as an array of attitudes toward and strategies for younger girls have mainly been construed as being motivated conducting inquiry that are aimed at discerning how human by economic gain; hence, as Masvawure [30]notes,most beings understand, experience, interpret, and produce the of theliteratureonasymmetricalrelationships narrowly social world. According to Marshall and Rossman [40] construes age mixing relationships as economic strategies for qualitative research is pragmatic, interpretive, and grounded survival. in the living experiences of people. Attempts have also been made to articulate the difference A qualitative paradigm suits the goals of this study that are in adolescent sexuality between urban and rural adolescents to solicit how adolescents perceive their sexuality and factors with regard to their sexual practices. Urban adolescents aeff cting their sexuality. It is consistent with the theoretical are reported to be more liberal in their sexual attitudes framework (social constructionism) which is primarily con- than rural adolescents. Peltzer [31] in his research among cerned with elucidating the processes by which people come adolescents in rural and urban South Africa notes that urban to describe, explain, and otherwise account for the world adolescents reported that they had significantly more oen ft in which they live; hence, it becomes important to listen to petted, masturbated, had anal and oral sex, and practiced the participants own voices in studying adolescent boys per- kissing and cuddling more frequently while rural adolescents spectives on sexuality. Qualitative methods such as in-depth more frequently practiced penetrative sexual intercourse. interviews were better suited to explore and study meanings, According to Peltzer [31], among rural adolescents in Zim- experiences, and processes and provided male adolescents babwe few reported ever having masturbated. Relationships with the opportunity to give accounts of their experiences in appear to be less stable among urban adolescents than rural their own words. Its methods are thus consistent with social adolescents due to a number of reasons. constructionist theory. The ways adolescents construct sexuality has also been interrogated within adolescent studies on sexuality. Harrison 5.2. Sampling Strategies. The study utilized convenience et al. [32]cited by Leschand Bremrigde[33] exposed a sampling to select the study site and purposive availabil- common narrative of sexual control, pressure, or in some ity, snowballing, and self-selection sampling techniques to instances even violence by male adolescents on their female select respondents. According to Gibson and Brown [39] partners in heterosexual relationships. Literature also shows in purposive sampling, selection of participants, setting, that adolescent sexuality has predominantly been con- and other sampling units are criterion based. eTh sample structed or understood as impulsive and justiefi d through unitsare chosen becausetheyhaveparticularfeaturesor biology and desire. Lesch and Bremridge [33]notethat characteristics that will enable a detailed exploration and the construction of male sexuality as a difficult to control understanding of the central puzzles that the researcher physiological drive has frequently been adopted and validated wishes to study. In essence, the sampling techniques used in in research on male sexuality. Concerning unsafe sexual this study enabled us to obtain the appropriate respondents behavior amongst South African youth, Eaton et al. [34] whoprovidedsucffi ientdatatomeetour research objectives. found it common for young people to justify unsafe sex by means of a discourse of biology and sexual urges. However, although research on adolescent sexuality highlights issues 5.3. Study Site. Kuwadzana Extension is a formally planned, of deception, coercion, intimidation, and violence, other low-income, high-density area on the western edge of the studies have shown that both men and women may be city of Harare. It is 30 km away from the city centre. It is victims of sexual coercion in heterosexual relationships [35, a housing project which began in the early 1980s, shortly 36]. According to Shefer et al. [37] adolescents oen ft find aer ft the independence of Zimbabwe, and continued in ts fi themselves in situations in which issues of consent, coercion, andstartsinphases[41, 42]. The average monthly income and ambiguous sexual negations are at play. forthe area is 616USDollars with an averagehousehold Attention has also been given to the nature of research size of 6 [43]. eTh site was selected because it provided a that sought to document knowledge, attitudes, and practices population frame that was appropriate for the researchers to of adolescents. Hence, Izugbara [13] notes that traditional recruit and to capitalize on the familiarity the researchers psychology basedhealthbehaviormodelshavetendedto have on the neighborhood as well as the prior networks dominate explanations of adolescent views and commen- that existed with some of the adolescent participants. Hence taries on sex and sexuality. A major criticism of these models forthe researchersthiswas particularly advantageous given is that they ignore the critical sociocultural context that that sex and sexual behavior are sensitive topics; hence there shapes human sexual notions and behavior and the agency of could be difficulties in enlisting participants. Kuwadzana is human beings. As a result, within adolescent sexuality studies the largest of Harare’s high-density areas (HDAs) in Harare Journal of Anthropology 5 andisbelievedtobebroadly representative of theHDAsasit Age of respondents is so large and incorporates different phases developed under various housing policy regimes. 5.4. Sample. The study population comprised 16–19 in-school adolescents. The World Health Organization defines adoles- cence as the period between the ages 10 and 19 years with fur- ther categorizations into three phases: early adolescence 10– 13 years, middle adolescence 14-15 years, and late adolescence 16–19 years. Adolescence can also be conceptualized as the period of transition from childhood to adulthood describing thedevelopment to sexual maturity andtopsychological and relative economic independence. eTh sample is comprised of 40 adolescent boys from the 16–19 age group, a number that was adequate in providing sucffi ient data required for the study. A key informant who is the Guidance and Counseling 16 years 18 years teacher at one of the local schools was also selected to 17 years 19 years participate in the study because of her vantage point in discussing such topics with adolescents. The sample was Figure 1: Age of respondents. small; henceitdoesnot claimtoberepresentativeofthe whole population of Kuwadzana Extension or adolescents in Zimbabwe in general. under the various themes identified from the study objectives. To generate socioeconomic characteristics of the respon- 5.5. Strategies of Data Collection. In-depth interviews were dents from the open-ended questions, data was reorganized the principal method used in gathering data. In-depth inter- andthencoded aeft r data collection. viewing is a qualitative research technique that involves con- ducting intensive individual interviews with a small number 5.7. Ethical Considerations. Conducting research with young of respondents to explore their perspectives on a particular people is fraught with practical and ethical pitfalls (McIlwaine idea. However, because of the usually small samples of in- and Datta, 2006). Sexuality is a sensitive issue in many depth interviews it can be difficult to make generalizations cultures. According to Lie [45] approaching issues of sexuality about the whole population [40]. Key informant interviewing and reproductive health involve careful consideration of was also utilized with a Guidance and Counseling teacher at how to address people, for instance, how to ensure that an oneofthe localschools.Marshall[44]seesakeyinformant as individual’s integrity is protected and how to show respect an expert source of information and because of their personal for existing social values and existing subcultural values. We skills or position within a society is able to provide more sought consent from all of the participants before they were information and a deeper insight into what is going on around interviewed. They were briefed about the research topic and them. informed that they were not obliged in any way to answer any Since the study was concerned with soliciting the percep- questions that they felt uncomfortable with. eTh y were also tions of adolescents on sexuality as well as their needs, in- informed that they were free to withdraw from the interview depth interviewing was suitable as it could best answer the at any time of the research. Participants were also assured objectives of the study. It was compatible with the theoretical of the confidentiality of the research and that the findings inclinations of the study which was concerned with how wouldbeusedfor academic purposes only andtheir real people participate in the construction of their reality. All names would not be used. Permission was also sought from the interviews were carried out using an interview schedule guardians and parents of those who were below the legal age containing open-ended questions. This gave the researchers of majority (18 years). room to explore emerging issues during the interviews. 5.8. Findings. This section presents the key findings of the 5.6. Data Analysis. Qualitative data analysis is the search study thematically. for general statements about relationships and underlying themes [40]. It involves using generalized themes to look at the relationships between components of data. According to 5.9. Social Differentiation of Male Adolescents in the Study. Gibson and Brown [39] thematic analysis refers to the process As highlighted earlier, all of the adolescents who participated of analyzing data according to commonalities, relationships, in our study reside in Kuwadzana Extension, which is a and differences across a data set. In this study, themes were low-income, high-density residential area. eTh majority of derived from the study objectives. One of the key features theparticipantswereaged18(shownin Figure 1)and allof of thematic analysis is the examination of commonalities in them reside with a guardian or parent(s) (Figure 2). With the data (ibid). Accordingly, through coding and labeling, regard to educational levels, the majority of them were high the data was organized in order to identify data that fell school students, currently studying for their advanced level 6 Journal of Anthropology Residential status of respondents Education status of respondents Grade 7 Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5 With a parent With a guardian Number of respondents Number of respondents Figure 4: Highest level of education attained. Figure 2: Residence status. Relationship status of respondents most of the responses was that girls in relationships were failing to decline sex because of love for monetary gains. Girls were also accused of cheating on their boyfriends with com- muter omnibus drivers who were considered risky partners. Some male respondents reported concern about being pressured into sex by girls. According to a key informant, boys actually complain about how girls pressure them into sex shortly aeft r getting into relationships. Another respondent alludedtothe fact that girlsare toopermissivetosexual advances and not decisive in fending them o.ff According to a boy interviewed girls actually enjoy being sexually intimate and long for sex. Referring to girls he had this to say “vana vamazuvano vanoda kubatwa” (these girls like to be fondled and to be intimate). Girls were also reported to refuse to Single In a relationship use protection during intercourse on the pretext that they were not prostitutes or that it was less pleasurable. Some Number of respondents adolescentswereofthenotion that onemusthavesexwithhis partner and failure to do so highlights that the relationship Figure 3: Relationship status. would not be fruitful. One respondent was quoted saying “ukamhanya nemusikana, mukarambana usina kurara naye hauna zvawaita” (if you are in a relationship, if it ends without certificates. The rest were in secondary school. When asked you sleeping with her, you have lost). Male adolescents thus about relationship status, 55% said they are currently in a perceived girls as putting them and their relationships in relationship (Figures 3 and 4). jeopardy and that relationships and love were based on sexual intimacy. 5.10.DiscoursesonSexualRelationships. The majority of the Some respondents expressed concern about not being adolescents interviewed reported concern about the nature able to take care of their girlfriends financially. Financial of relationships with girlfriends. Respondents perceived ado- stability was thus perceived by most boys as being vital in lescent girls as being careless and loose in relationships as maintaining relationships. Respondents felt that failure to well as easy to sleep with. The boys voiced concern about deliver na fi ncially might actually lead to one being unfaithful girls being unfaithful and at times deserting them particularly and putting the other at risk as one respondent put it: for the prospect of financial benefits in other relationships. “ndikasamu supplier avotsvaga kumwe achimhanya neni and Girls were accused of putting relationships at risk because undercover relationships are dangerous”(if Idonot look of greediness and love for money. One respondent remarked aer ft her she will cheat on me resulting in risky multiple “anogona kumhanya neshamwari yako, achimhanya newe partnership). They pointed to the cost of buying airtime as nekuda cash.” (she can manage to go out with both you and well as other na fi ncial obligations expected of them. One your friend simply to get money). The general consensus in respondent pointed out that while parents provided for them Journal of Anthropology 7 n fi ancially they were oblivious of the fact that they had 5.12. Pornography, Peer Pressure, Pocket Size, and Parental other obligations of maintaining their own relationships. One Inu fl ences. Sources were adolescents who obtain informa- tion about sexuality issues that aeff ct their perceptions and respondent perceived the na fi ncial obligations incurred in a attitudes on sexuality. Respondents reported that the media relationshipasbeingtantamounttogettingaprostitute:“gen’a was the main outlet of information where they leant about harizvikete kuti kutenga airtime kunozongofanana nekubhad- sex and relationships through films and music videos. It was hara hure” (some guys do not realize that buying air time highlighted that most boys try to imitate what they consume ultimately amounts to engaging a prostitute). from the media. eTh consumption of pornographic material Those interviewed felt that parents and teachers were not was reported to be very high in schools usually via mobile doing much in advising adolescents in their relationships. phone internet. One respondent commented “marfi imu ane Most of the respondents were concerned by how parents ma notes akaipa manje” (films contain sexual tutorial skills). imposed themselves in their sexual relationships. Respon- Some highlighted how music videos aroused sexual feelings dents reported that parents and teachers should advise them usually through dance moves and type of dress worn. One about sexual activity and relationships rather than dictate to respondent commented “matambiro a Ciarra anokonzeresa them.Theboysfeltthatparents andguardians fail to appre- Mudhara” (the way Ciarra dances is sexually provocative) ciate that times have changed; hence they should adapt to the referring to thesinger’sdance movesassexually provocative. nature of sexual relationships that are now prevalent rather Respondents also reported peer influence as aeff cting than being old fashioned: “ngavafambirane nenguva kwete decision making on issues relating to sexuality. Peer groups kuti usadaro usadaro ngavapinde maari kwete kuva opposite” were reported to be a hive where adolescent boys discussed (they should live in the present not to tell you do not it; sexuality issues as well as boasting about sexual conquests. instead they should give me money and be more supportive). When quizzed why sexual conquests were important the Adolescent boys perceive parents as not being open when majority of theboyssaidthatthiswas becauseofprestige talking about issues of sexuality. The respondents highlighted among peers as one boy put it “gen’a rinoda sugar nekuko- that although they were not willing to talk about sexual activ- reswa” (they want social recognition and prestige). One ity they already knew about it: “kana vakasatitaurira tagara respondent highlighted that most of the narratives told were tinozviziva” (even if they do not tell us we already know). fabrications to gain social recognition but some try to live up to those narratives usually putting their sexual health at 5.11. Sexual Encounters of Size and Sexual Satisfaction. Mean- risk. os Th e who do not live up to the standards of the group ings attached to sexual performance emerged from respon- are usually ridiculed and put under pressure and taunted for dents. er Th e were suggestions that sexual performance sym- being cowards. Some peers were reported to inu fl ence others bolized a “real man” and one should satisfy his girlfriend to engage in risky behaviors. sexually. A respondent alluded to the fact that sometimes girls Respondents also reported economic circumstances as mock those they perceive to be incapable of satisfying them having a bearing on sexuality. Respondents highlighted that sexually by demeaning their manhood. Girls were reported most adolescents who were unemployed and no longer went to school usually indulged in substance abuse and alcoholism to mock them saying “muface uyu haagone kubata haana that usually inu fl enced them to practice unprotected sex dhiri” (this guy is incapable of sexually satisfying). Usually andhavemultiplepartnersespeciallywhendrunk or high. adolescent boys are reported to brag about their sexual Respondents suggested idleness of some adolescents due to prowess and duration they can last during intercourse. Boys lack of economic prospects as prompting them to chase girls in the study associated good sex skills with the ability to last as they have nothing else to do, usually leading to early preg- long in the sexual act. Premature ejaculation was thus a major nancies: “gen’a rinogara mu bridge harina zvimwe zvekuita concern, was demeaned and considered embarrassing, and kunze kwekutsvaga mabhebhi nekuputa mbanje”(thosewho resembled weakness. areunemployedhavenothing to do butchasing girlsand Some adolescent boys reported concern about the size smoking marijuana). Lack of knowledge and embarrassment of their genitals. Those with small genitals were said to be reportedly deterred adolescent boys from seeking treatment ridiculed and perceived to be less potent sexually and unable for sexual health. Another respondent reported that it was to satisfy their partners while those with genitals considered difficult to convince a girl to go for HIV testing because she being the ideal were perceived to be sexually potent and able will be financially better. One respondent reported a phe- to satisfy sexually during intercourse. One participant refer- nomenon were guys who are na fi ncially stable refuse to use ring to those with small penises commented “kana unediki condoms: “vanenge vane cash havadi kushandisa ma condom, unosekwa” (if you have a small penis you are ridiculed). A anenge achida kupinda akadaro, hanzi ndoda kukakaurisa” big penis was thus viewed as a symbol of sexual strength and (those with money refuse to use condoms because they want thought to be admired by girls. Some boys were reported to to fix girls). take mugondorosi (herbs) that are thought to enhance their Ignorance and denial were cited during interviews as penis sizes. Some reported frustration with girlfriends as affecting sexual activity and behavior as well as risk percep- they sought to be adventurous and engaged in some sexual tion.Itwas highlightedthatsomeadolescentboyswereaware practices that girls considered inappropriate. Some guys were of the consequences of having multiple partners and not using reported to demand oral sex from their girlfriends and it was protection yet they continued to do so because of a carefree reported as a popular phenomenon among some boys. attitude about the consequences. A key informant pointed out 8 Journal of Anthropology that adolescent boys usually could not contemplate that what condoms was also cited as problematic. During interviews has happened to a friend can also befall them. accounts were narrated of some adolescents getting expired Respondents highlighted that parents should discuss condoms from friends because they had no reliable sources to openly with their children issues of sexuality. It was pointed access condoms coupled with shyness to purchase condoms out that failure to talk and inform boys about the dangers over the counter in shops. Lack of privacy at home was of sexual activity and how to mitigate them resulted in also cited as a deterrent factor preventing boys from keeping adolescents seeking information from media and peers. Lack condoms hence when they wanted some they have to ask of parental guidance and supervision was usually linked to from friends. Adolescents are also concerned about early poor sexual behavioral outcomes as adolescents are faced treatment for sexual diseases at clinics and hospitals rather with conflicting messages from media and peers. Respon- than trying to seek treatment amongst themselves. Some boys dents reported that those with relaxed parental supervision were reported to seek help and treatment from friends to cure had more opportunities to indulge in adolescent sexual syphilis. intercourse. Adolescents reported frustration as well. For example, all the boys were living with either parent(s) or 6. Discussion guardians;hencetheyhavenoprivacyorroomstobesexually intimate. os Th e boys with absentee parents or guardians were This section discusses the research findings in light of existing the envy of some of the boys. eTh y were reported to be able to literature,theory, andconcepts. Mahcera[20]arguesthatin spendthe wholeday with agirl, aphenomena widely termed Africa male and female sexualities have been patterned by “kuvharira”(having base with some referring to their houses cultural definitions of masculinities and femininities. Hence, as lodges). it canbearguedthatthere is aclose link betweensexuality and masculinity in Africa. According to Connell [46]the 5.13.SexualHealthConcerns. Respondents expressed the term masculinity signifies a collective gender identity and not need for parental guidance. It was reported that there must a natural attribute. It is socially constructed, u fl id resulting be open communication between parents and children on in diverse forms across different times and contexts, and is sexuality issues. Adolescents interviewed felt that parents mediated by sociocultural position, age, and other factors. were reluctant to talk openly about issues of love, sex, and He further notes that masculinity also defines how boys and relationships. They pointed out that usually mothers and men should behave, be treated, dress, and appear and what girls were the ones who usually could discuss issues of attitudes and qualities they should have. Such definitions have sexuality, but rarely with boys. Some were however reluctant influences on the construction of sexuality within a society. It to speak about sexual activity with parents or guardians but is our argument that the behavior and attitudes of boys are cited immediate family members like brothers and sisters as consistent with traditional forms of heterosexual masculinity ideal to advise them about sexuality issues. It was pointed and that sexuality of adolescent boys in the study is mediated out that parents should share their experiences as they had by prevalent discourses of masculinity which have been noted experienced such situations before; hence they are in a better to be socially constructed [20]. position to offer advice. Some respondents reported the need for accurate infor- Connected to the representation of masculinity among mation about sexual activity. During interviews it was these boys is sexual performance, and prowess is perceived to reported that the main sources of information were the media be critical in the boys’ sexual practices and their construction and peers with a few acknowledging acquiring information of sexuality. Boys reported how important it was to be from parents or school sex education. It was highlighted dur- sexually active and powerful in relationships regardless of ing interviews that much of the information discussed with the socioeconomic context they exist in (such as the context peers was not practical as highlighted by one respondent who in which HIV and AIDS are highly prevalent). Duration said “rimwe team rinotaura zvinhu kuti rikoreswe, zvizhinji during intercourse was highlighted to be important and a source of pride; hence premature ejaculation was widely zvacho i bhaiz”(most of thethingssaidbypeers arefabri- cations to give a false picture of prowess or heroism). A key ridiculed and undesirable. Connell [46]notes that notions informant interviewed pointed out that unless adolescents of masculinity are also closely associated with male virility, are taught at school they have poor or misleading knowledge sexuality, and sexual performance. Sex for men is thus about sexuality. Another respondent expressed the need for constructed as encompassing male virility, size of penis, and practical demonstrations in sexual education rather than just assumed potency in bed. Ratele [47]notes that in many parts raw information. He alluded to the visual impact of videos, if not all of postcolonial Africa, a significant theme of being films, and pictures so they could understand better. a man revolves around sex. He further observes that nearly Adolescents need treatment for sexual health diseases in everywhere in the world sex is closely associated with our clinics to be ao ff rdable. A key informant interviewed noted sexual partners, sexual appeal of our partners, the size of our that prices demanded at local clinics in Kuwadzana were a penis, theclaimswemakeabout oursexual stamina, andhow deterrent for adolescents seeking treatment. It is not that it is virile we are. not that ao ff rdable, but many boys do not have access to such Meanings attached to the adolescent male body are essen- money even though it is not much. It was highlighted that it tial in the construction of masculinity. Our findings reveal wasverydicffi ult forboystoask forsuchmoney from parents how some adolescent boys are concerned about the size of without being questioned on their intentions. Easy access to their penises. As highlighted in the study a small penis is Journal of Anthropology 9 a source of ridicule and shame. Contrary to biological deter- displays of sexual interest). u Th s, female sexual agency is minism,thisissobecause abig penisissociallyconstructed oen ft denied in that young women are not expected to initiate as demonstrating sexual potency and ability to fulfill a girl. or actively participate in sex but rather to let it happen to them Izugbara [12] observed how prevailing codes of sexuality [50]. Here we can note how male adolescents also display and sexual conduct in contemporary Nigeria are socially misogynistic and derogatory tendencies as part of creating produced and fed by oppressive patriarchal subjectivities and and maintaining their sexuality when they regard girls as ideologies among them penis-centred (i.e., they glorify and “loose”, “greedy,” and “careless.” idolize traditional imageries of masculinity and male sexual In relation to the above, Arnfred [23]alsopointsout that prowess and encourage the objectification of women and although women are expected to provide sex, it is unac- their bodies). We argue that pressure to pursue sex in rela- ceptable forthemtoinitiateit. Such notionsgiveweightto tionships also highlights influences of hegemonic discourses assertions by Arnfred [23] that in African contexts, a culture of male masculinity. Some adolescents in the study regard of silence assumed by women indicates a socially accepted sex as an important aspect of relationships and something behavioral constraint dictating that women reserve modesty that must be pursued. It was generally agreed that one must anddiscretioninsexual relationswhile menare constructed have sex in a relationship before it is terminated for it to as sexually unrestrained, confident, and forthright. Attempts be labeled a success. Such notions are usually informed by to move into an initiating role can have serious negative con- social expectations of how males should behave sexually. sequences for them, with the assumption being that they are The findings underscore that notions of sexuality and how sexually experienced, and have an experience that is reserved adolescent boys perceive themselves are widely framed and for men (ibid). Such notions of adolescent boy’s views on located within the wider discourses of masculinity; hence, sexuality can be argued to arise from widely accepted con- male adolescent sexuality is a social construction. cepts of masculinity. Boy’s views in our study are thus derived Silberschimdt [48] alludes to the view that masculinity fromthesocioculturalmilieuandprevailingdiscoursesabout worldwide has increasingly been constructed from wage masculinity. By subscribing to such notions it can be argued earning power. Our study results highlight that boys in the that boys’ views are being framed by masculine and feminine study conform to traditional gender roles in negotiating definitions of culturally prescribed behavior for males and relationships, as they are concerned about n fi ancially main- females with ideas about femininity being associated with taining relationships. From the narratives of some of the passivity while masculinity is associated with authority and boys in the study it can be noted that boys are expected to domination [23]. As Martino [18] argues, their perceptions take the breadwinner role in relationships whilst girls were are being guided by prevalent discourses in their culture. regarded as predominantly materialistic and too demanding. On the other hand, besides denial of female sexual agency, The boys are actually anxious about desertion that results boys framed the pressure they get from their girlfriends in if one fails to provide na fi ncially in a relationship. Boys’ terms of sexual coercion. Subtle forms of coercion can also financial obligations in relationships are premised on existing be noticed when girls ridicule and demean boys about poor traits of masculinity, which define the male as the one who sexual performance. u Th s, although literature highlights sex- fends for the family. This subscribes to expectations of males ual coercion and violence in adolescent heterosexual relation- as providers. Pattman [49] also highlights from his studies in ships as predominantly perpetuated against females by males, Botswana, Kenya, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia, issues of coercion in heterosexual relationships are complex. and Zimbabwe that boys were expected not only to “propose It can be argued that adolescent sexuality does not love” but also to be economic providers in heterosexual occur in a vacuum but is rather mediated by the context relations. In this regard, sexuality is premised on the notion of everyday interaction with their environment. Responses of prevailing ideas of male social roles in relationships. The from boys in the study point to the various influences that pressure to provide might thus be explained by aligning to shape meanings and sexual attitudes of adolescents. Their the socially constructed roles of men and women in society sexual behavior and practices are framed in relation to peers, (expectations of males as providers). Such expectations can media, and economic circumstances. eTh media (television, thus be located within the social milieu in which adolescent music, and internet) and peers have become important parts boys live in and are socialized into. of a repertoire of ideas and practices adolescents replicate. This study argues that male adolescents construct, cele- About peer groups, Valentine [51]isofthe view that youth brate, and venerate their sexuality as hegemonic as such they have to position himself or herself in relation to both adult do not appreciate female agency in sexual encounters. Female and peer cultures. In terms of the media, adolescents are coercion, pressure, or suggestions on nonuse of condoms bombarded with media messages, which may save to rein- during sexual encounters is perceived negatively. Such an force inflexible gender and sexual roles. Adolescents observe approach resonates with wider societal ideologies on fem- several aspects of sexuality such as gender roles, aeff ction ininities and masculinities in Zimbabwe. u Th s, any form and intimacy, erotic behavior, and family life. Ultimately, the of female agency in heterosexual relationships challenges media has important implications on adolescent sexuality as or “troubles” these boys. Notions of active masculinities sex encounters in the media are erroneously presented as andpassive femininities areentrenchedsuchthatfemale spontaneous, romantic, and risk free, with use of contracep- coercion or pressure is “immoral” and wayward. Pattman tion and contraction of sexually transmitted infections rare. [49] also found that boys were constructed as initiators of eTh refore, social institutions not only give meanings to sexual heterosexual relations through “proposing love” (including acts but also provide sexual scripts to the male adolescents. 10 Journal of Anthropology Parent to child communication regarding sexuality is pre- STI: Sexually transmitted infection dominantly characterized by silence. Boys in the study point UNAIDS: Joint United Nations Programme on out that when parents talk about sexuality issues this is usually HIV/AIDS with girls but rarely with boys. In the absence of such talk UNFPA: United Nations Population Fund adolescent boys usually end up getting such information, WHO: World Health Organization which is often inaccurate and ambiguous from the media ZDHS: Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey. or peers. 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