Get 20M+ Full-Text Papers For Less Than $1.50/day. Start a 14-Day Trial for You or Your Team.

Learn More →

The quest for environmental justice in China: citizen participation and the rural–urban network against Panguanying’s waste incinerator

The quest for environmental justice in China: citizen participation and the rural–urban network... Environmental distribution conflicts (EDCs) related to the construction and operation of waste incinerators have become commonplace in China. This article presents a detailed case study of citizen opposition to an incinerator in the village of Panguanying, Hebei Province. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork, we show how this case was notable, because it transcended the local arena to raise bigger questions about environmental justice, particularly in relation to public participation in sit- ing decisions, after villagers exposed fraudulent public consultation in the environmental impact assessment. An informal network between villagers and urban environmental activists formed, enabling the Panguanying case to exert influence far beyond the village locality. This network was critical in creating wider public debate about uneven power and substandard public participation in siting disputes, a central feature in many Chinese EDCs. By transcending local specificities and expos- ing broader, systemic inadequacies, this case became instrumental in supporting “strong sustainability”. Keywords Environmental justice · Sustainability · Environmental networks · China · Waste incineration · Protest Original research article (Scheidel et  al. 2017; Temper et  al. 2018; Herrero and Vilella 2017; Camisani 2018). They are driven by changes Environmental distribution conflicts (EDCs), defined as in social metabolism, namely “the manner in which human “mobilizations by local communities against particular eco- societies organize their growing exchanges of energy and nomic activities whereby environmental impacts are a key materials with the environment” (Martinez-Alier et al. 2010: element of their grievances” (Temper et al. 2015: 261–2), 153). Although such changes benefit certain groups, others have become widespread in China. Whilst they are often suffer from falling livelihoods, environmental degradation, centred on community efforts to uphold social justice and and worsening public health (Martinez-Alier et al. 2010). protect their local environments, EDCs can also be impor- Recent transformations in China’s industrial, economic, and tant by contributing to broader sustainability transitions social structures have spawned a wide range of EDCs, from large-scale urban protests over facilities such as chemical plants and waste incinerators, to protracted struggles over Handled by Federico Demaria, icta uab, Spain. industrial pollution in rural areas (Lora-Wainwright et al. 2012, 2017; Steinhardt and Wu 2016). * Thomas Johnson In China, EDCs centred on the construction and opera- Thomas.R.Johnson@Sheffield.ac.uk tion of waste incinerators have become particularly com- Department of Politics, University of Sheffield, Elmfield monplace. Since 2004 China has been the world’s biggest Building, Northumberland Road, Western Bank, waste generator, and by 2030 is predicted to generate double Sheffield S10 2TU, UK the amount of municipal solid waste produced in the United School of Geography and the Environment, Oxford States (Hoornweg and Bhada-Tata 2012). An impending University Centre for the Environment, University of Oxford, South Parks Road, Oxford OX1 3QY, UK College of Humanities and Development Studies, China Agricultural University, 17 Qinghua E Road, Haidian Qu, Beijing Shi 100083, People’s Republic of China Vol.:(0123456789) 1 3 734 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 “garbage crisis” (laji weiji) has resulted in major restructur- legitimacy. Yet, access to the media is not easily available ing of solid waste disposal. This includes a surge in con- to the majority of communities (Cai 2010). This greatly struction of “waste-to-energy” (WTE) incinerators, some of increases the difficulty of obtaining information on these which can burn thousands of tonnes of waste per day (John- cases so that they can be added to the EJ Atlas database. It is son 2017). The Chinese state’s 12th 5-Year Plan targeted likely, therefore, that many disputes, particularly unsuccess- a tripling of the number of incinerators, from 103 in 2010 ful cases, remain under the radar. Indeed, studies by Chinese to over 300 by the Plan’s end in 2015 (Johnson 2013: 357). scholars suggest that most cases of citizen contention are As of February 2016, 231 incinerators were operational in unsuccessful, and that this is particularly so in rural areas China (Wuhu Ecology Center and Friends of Nature 2016). (e.g., Chen 2014; Zhang 2009). WTE incineration is a lucrative sector in China. It fea- Anti-incinerator conflicts—just like EDCs more tures a mixture of state-owned enterprises, Chinese private broadly—are usefully analysed through the concept of companies, and multinational corporations and benefits environmental justice. This concept is premised upon the from preferential policies and tax breaks (Johnson 2017). assumption that “generalised social injustices are manifest Yet, there has been substantial opposition from communi- in environmental conditions, among other ways” (Schlos- ties that bear the brunt of incinerators detrimental to qual- berg 2013: 40). Early applications of an environmental jus- ity of life including, in some cases, public health (Balkan tice framework focused on the uneven distribution of toxic 2012). Through our on-going work on the EJ Atlas project, pollution to racial and ethnic minority and low-income we identified 54 anti-incinerator EDCs in China. Most of communities in the United States (see for instance Bullard these were identified through an internet search and from 1990). Since then, the concept has been applied to a growing information provided by Chinese environmental NGO activ- range of issues, including climate change and biodiversity ists. At time of writing, 11 cases had been entered into the conservation, and has encompassed aspects of recognition EJ Atlas database (http://ejatla s.org), a collaborative project and procedural justice (Schlosberg 2007; Sze and London whose participants collect and upload case studies of social 2008; Walker 2009). In addition, environmental justice conflict surrounding environmental issues from around the frameworks have increasingly been applied beyond West- world. These 11 cases are drawn from Beijing (Asuwei, ern liberal democracies (see, for example, McDonald 2002; Liulitun), Wuhan (Guodingshan), Guangdong Province Williams and Mawdsley 2006; Carruthers 2008; Özkaynak (Luoding, Likeng, Panyu, Boluo, Qingshuihe), Hangzhou et  al. 2015), although rarely so in the case of China (for (Yuhang), Fujian Province (Qingpuling), and Hebei Prov- exceptions see Lora-Wainwright 2017; Ma 2010; Xie 2011). ince (Panguanying). Contention over incinerators in these These studies show that the specific contexts in which envi - cases occurred between 2005 and 2014. In eight of these ronmental justice movements develop strongly impacts their cases, citizen opposition was aimed at preventing incinera- ability to trigger broader sustainability transformations tors from being constructed, whilst in three of the cases, (Martinez-Alier et al. 2016; Schneidel et al. 2018). In the citizens fought existing facilities. In seven of these cases, United States, for example, disparate campaigns in the foot- community activists forged links (albeit to varying degrees) steps of the infamous Love Canal case scaled up to become with Chinese environmental NGOs, particularly Beijing- a powerful environmental justice movement (Szasz 1994). based Nature University, discussed in more detail below. In This article contributes to the debate surrounding “why, more than half of the cases, communities had been suffering through whom, how, and when” EDCs result in social jus- from serious pollution for several years, mostly in the form tice and environmental sustainability (Scheidel et al. 2017) of landfills that existed long before the incinerators. And, through a detailed study of a Chinese anti-incinerator cam- seven of the cases resulted in the incinerators being relocated paign centred on the village of Panguanying in Hebei Prov- or indefinitely halted, and might, therefore, be considered ince. This EDC was notable, because more than any other “successful” cases for local residents. This high success rate case in our database, it transcended the local arena to raise is not representative of incinerator-related EDCs in China, bigger questions about environmental justice—particularly however. As Yongshun Cai (2010) has demonstrated, there in relation to public participation in siting decisions—and is often a positive relationship between media coverage of challenged the desirability of incineration more generally. contention and its likelihood of success, because media Crucial to this, was the (strategic) focus on procedural jus- reporting can expose local injustices to a wider audience tice and on legal avenues adopted by the key village cam- and compel higher levels to intervene to shore up regime paigners. This was facilitated by high levels of interaction between villagers and members of a Beijing-based network The city of Shenzhen is currently constructing the world’s biggest of environmental activists comprising NGO activists, legal waste-to-energy incinerator, which will burn 5,000 tonnes of waste professionals, academics and journalists, who visited the vil- every day (South China Morning Post 2011). The 2008 Trial Meas- lage and provided support. We know from interviews that ures on Environmental Information Disclosure enable citizens to apply for disclosure of certain types of information. the Panguanying case generated a particularly high level of 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 735 outsider support, which was partly due to the village’s prox- forums designed for information sharing between mem- imity to the capital and the perceived significance of the case bers; informal networks that may combine organisational according to urban activists. Networks have been analysed and individual members; and personal networks that exist as important organisational structures that can help further between individuals. environmental justice claims and facilitate EDCs, which play Although the diversity found in networks can be a source a crucial role in promoting sustainability transitions (Schlos- of strength, it can also create tension that undermines col- berg 1999; Scheidel et al. 2017). Recently, their importance lective action (Heyman 2011). Existing studies of environ- has been highlighted also in the Chinese context (see below mental activism have highlighted tension between the envi- for more details). In the case of Panguanying, we show how ronmentalism of the wealthy—sometimes linked to Ronald networking with actors beyond the village helped open legal Inglehart’s post-materialist thesis (Inglehart 1977), whereby channels otherwise beyond most ordinary villagers’ reach, people only start to care about the environment when they and brought the case to a wider audience. are not concerned with basic material needs—and the “envi- In line with environmental justice literature, the Pan- ronmentalism of the poor”, where conflicts are localised and guanying case shows how EDCs do not just arise out of rooted in the inequitable distribution of ecological costs and distribution of ecological harms, but also due to the uneven benefits (Guha and Martinez-Alier 2013). Scholarship has distribution of power and participation. Indeed, lack of eec ff - also illustrated potential and related tension between locally tive public participation and transparency are regularly con- focused campaigns often aimed at securing compensation tested in Chinese EDCs, and improving them is a key focus (or “weak sustainability”) and broader social movements of environmental NGO activity. In the Panguanying case, as concerned with “strong sustainability” and premised on the we shall see, campaigners uncovered evidence of system- value of the environment per se (see Martinez-Alier 1998, atic fraud concerning the public participation element of cited in; Scheidel et al. 2017). Harvey, for instance, viewed the environmental impact assessment (EIA). This discovery, the “militant particularism” of poor groups as a barrier to and the legal contestation surrounding it, was vital to the social movement formation (Harvey 1996), and Piller argued campaign’s success. Consequently, Chinese environmen- that mutual suspicion between NGOs and community activ- tal activists viewed Panguanying as an exemplary case in ists constrained network formation and scale shift (Piller highlighting widespread problems associated with the EIA 1991). process for waste incinerators and with limited public par- But, as the case of Panguanying will illustrate, diversity ticipation to a wider (national) audience. By transcending in aims and environmental discourses initially embraced is local specificities and shining a light on broader, systemic not always an obstacle; indeed, it can be transcended in pro- inadequacies, this case became instrumental in supporting ductive ways. Some studies have shown how broad, cross- “strong sustainability” (Scheidel et al. 2017). cultural coalitions that combine, or “hybridize”, different The next section reviews the social movement literature types of environmental discourse can bridge divides between on environmental networks, showing how this relates to campaigns (Pirkey 2012). Crucially, such encounters do not what we know about environmental activism in China. We simply involve a one-way transfer of resources from privi- then examine how and why Chinese urban environmental leged to poor (as a resource mobilisation approach might activists have started to forge links with grassroots commu- imply). Rather, new dynamics and understandings of issues nities faced with serious pollution threats. The substantive can form through “friction” (Tsing 2005) produced where body of the article presents a close and systematic analysis diverging groups and interests meet. For example, Gottlieb of the Panguanying case. Finally, in the “Discussion” and (2001) showed how tension between different manifesta- “Conclusion” sections, the article builds on this original data tions of environmental concern in the United States stimu- to elucidate the relationship between EDCs, environmental lated the adoption of new tactics and concerns, resulting in justice, and sustainability transitions in China. the rejuvenation of an environmental movement viewed as overly centralised, hierarchical, and lacking diversity (see also Schlosberg 1999). Environmental networks China’s political and social context diverges significantly from countries that have been the subject of most environ- Environmental networks are manifested in a multitude of mental justice scholarship, including the United States. different forms, ranging from enduring, formal alliances, to For many years, environmental protection was relegated to “temporary coalitions” between environmental organisations secondary importance behind economic development. In and “not in my backyard” (NIMBY) campaigners (Saunders the past decade, however, environmental issues have risen 2013: 28). In the Chinese context, Wells-Dang (2012) dis- up the political agenda and now form a crucial element of tinguishes between four network types: formal “coalitions” officials’ evaluation processes (Kostka 2015). The Minis- featuring hierarchical structures and large memberships; try of Environmental Protection (and its predecessor, the 1 3 736 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 State Environmental Protection Administration), has found involved in a campaign against construction of an incinerator common ground with environmental activists committed at Asuwei in Beijing. They highlight the large discrepancy in to improving environmental governance within China’s capabilities and resources between these two groups, which one-party system (Johnson 2014). This includes efforts to resulted in limited cooperation, and advocate closer links promote greater public participation and transparency as between communities and environmental NGOs in future a means to hold local officials accountable for not follow - (Tan and Ren 2017). In contrast, we show how community ing environmental laws and regulations. Despite this, many and NGO activists worked together closely in the Panguany- party-state officials remain ambivalent at best to environ- ing case. mental activists, fearing that they may undermine local eco- Whilst existing analyses present a significant step for - nomic growth or social stability. ward in identifying potential crossovers between weak and Initially, studies on environmentalism in China also strong sustainability and highlighting the complex inter- examined quests for weak and strong sustainability as actions between a range of actors, few studies, in Chinese though they existed in separation. One group of studies on or English, have examined the dynamics of environmental the latter (strong sustainability) has focused on “environ- networks in China. Most studies of environmental activism mentalist” NGOs (Johnson 2010), particularly in relation to that aims to prevent construction of potentially polluting the issues of nature conservation (Economy 2004; Sun and projects focus on case studies in urban areas (e.g., Chen Zhao 2008) and anti-hydropower campaigning (Liu 2013; 2012; Lang and Xu 2013; Johnson 2013). One exception, a Mertha 2008), and in terms of their relationships with the study by Bondes and Johnson (2017) which also examines Party-state (Ho and Edmonds 2008). Meanwhile, another the Panguanying case, pays attention to networks but does body of work has examined how ordinary citizens respond to not explain in detail how they formed, or explicitly examine localised pollution (Jing 2000; Lora-Wainwright 2017; Stern their potential contribution to sustainability transitions. 2013; Tilt 2010; Van Rooij 2010; Van Rooij et al. 2012), The Panguanying case requires and enables a different how grassroots communities play a role in conservation type of analysis from these previous studies, one that com- efforts (Coggins 2003; Hathaway 2013; Herrold-Menzies bines attention to grassroots sensibilities (in this case, those 2009), and about how communities in ethnic minority areas of the villagers), the networks that they became part of, and engage with environmental issues (Yeh 2009). Together, the ways in which they intersected and interacted. These these two groups of studies have (sometimes only implicitly) encounters did not engender tensions but rather the grad- shown how activism occurs at different points on a spectrum ual transcendence of the campaign’s significance from the bookended by “embedded in the state” NGOs on the one locality itself to a broader anti-incineration network, as their hand (Ho and Edmonds 2008), and rural pollution victims, aims converged. Conversely, our article documents mutual who are often “isolated” from intermediary support, on the feedback between local campaigners and a wide spectrum other (Van Rooij 2010). of urban activists (see Martinez-Alier et al. 2014). The lan- While early studies of Chinese environmental activism guage, focus and strategies used by village-based campaign- often made ENGOs their unit of analysis, recent work has ers drew from insights they gleaned from other successful focused more on individual activists and networks. Such urban campaigns, but their success also provided crucial studies have examined activists’ participation in transna- support to the agenda of professional environmentalists and tional and regional networks (Wells-Dang 2012; Hathaway environmental lawyers. The case also furnished lessons 2013; Wu 2013), and how they forge mutually beneficial about the importance of public participation and procedural connections with elites, particularly those within the Party- justice in the quest for strong sustainability. state (Ho and Edmonds 2008; Spires 2011). Mertha (2008) Our analysis below is based on in-depth interviews with showed how China’s highly fragmented policy-making key members of the urban environmental network that we process provided a structural opportunity for the forma- conducted periodically between 2012 and 2017. We also tion of anti-hydropower coalitions involving state and non- visited Panguanying on several occasions between 2012 and state actors (Mertha 2008). Wells-Dang (2012), who also 2016. Johnson interviewed several key village-based cam- examined anti-hydropower campaigning in China, similarly paigners in 2012 after learning about the case from Zhao focused on the role of “urban elites”. The crucial role that Zhangyuan, a retired Chinese Academy of Sciences pro- elite allies can play in environmental contention in China has fessor and outspoken critic of incineration who had visited also prominently featured in the Chinese literature including Panguanying previously to offer support to villagers (more in relation to anti-incinerator campaigns (e.g., Guo and Chen details below). In 2013, all three co-authors went to Pan- 2011), but little research has been done on the dynamics of guanying to conduct further interviews with key campaign- network formation between elites and community activists. ers. We employed a snowballing technique and interviewed One partial exception is Tan and Ren’s (2017) comparison of several other villagers involved in the campaign. However, an environmental NGO and a community action group both our efforts to interview a wider range of villagers including 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 737 some who may not have been directly involved in the case environmental activism. An organisation in its own right, were undermined when local officials in Panguanying told us Nature University has also become a hub, or “clearing to cease our fieldwork there. While, as a Chinese researcher, house”, for environmentalists in Beijing, for example, Lu was able to carry out follow-up research and interview a through holding regular seminars on environmental issues. wider range of stakeholders, particularly through employing Nature University has begun offering help to communities the help of students, Johnson and Lora-Wainwright had to contesting waste incinerators and other forms of pollution. abandon plans for subsequent e fi ldwork and limit themselves Once contact with a local community is established, Nature to interviews with a small number of key villagers who met University sends staff members to the site with journalists with us in a nearby city. Our analysis is also based on more and other “people who care about the issue”. A key aim than 40 documents, including petition letters and court deci- of this approach is to attract external publicity, or, in other sions, which we obtained from leading village activists. words, to transcend the local context. This serves two main purposes—pressurizing officials into resolving problems through attracting the attention of higher levels and the Pathways to network formation: the urban wider public, and protecting local activists from retribu- perspective tion at the hands of local officials. Instead of advocating disruptive tactics sometimes associated with NIMBY (not Informal networking, based on personal as opposed to insti- in my backyard) campaigns, Nature University encourages tutional linkages, is increasingly recognized as an important communities to utilize “legal weapons” as fully as possi- feature of China’s environmental movement (Wells-Dang ble. For example, in another anti-incinerator case at Hai’an 2012). Beijing is a key hub in this regard. It is home to an in Jiangsu Province, Nature University helped villager Xie informal environmental network (hereinafter referred to as Yong, whose son Xie Yongkang was born with cerebral the “Beijing environmental network”) comprising NGO palsy. Xie Yong blamed this on the incinerator located only staff, journalists, lawyers, and academics that has advo- a couple of hundred metres from his home. Nature Univer- cated, among other things, greater environmental transpar- sity helped Xie Yong contact the Centre of Legal Assistance ency, public participation, and more sustainable solutions to for Pollution Victims (CLAPV), which represented him in China’s waste challenge. an unsuccessful lawsuit against the incinerator company. Whilst Chinese NGOs were previously believed to shun Throughout this process, Nature University also helped Xie links with pollution victims (Ho and Edmonds 2008), in and his fellow villagers (unsuccessfully) apply for disclosure recent years, Beijing environmental network members have of the incinerator’s pollution data to use as legal evidence. reached out to local communities opposed to incinerators As of May 2013, Nature University had filed up to twenty and other forms of pollution. Steinhardt and Wu (2016) such requests, and sued the Guangzhou Municipal Govern- claim that media commercialisation and the spread of the ment when it refused to disclose information about the city’s internet and social media, declining risks associated with Likeng incinerator. protest, and improved NGO capacity have all facilitated this Aside from helping pollution victims, Nature University growing collaboration between policy advocates and protes- and other activists involved in the Beijing Environmental tors. In addition, we find that this development was partly Network have a more normative goal. In the early 2000s, due to frustration among certain environmental activists China’s Ministry of Environmental Protection (MEP) intro- concerning NGOs’ lack of community engagement, which duced policies to stimulate public participation and trans- was part of their “self-imposed censorship” deemed neces- parency, including in the EIA process (Johnson 2014). In sary for organisational survival in China’s one-party-state helping local residents assert their “right to information, (Ho and Edmonds 2008). In the words of one NGO leader, right to supervision, right to participation” (zhiqing quan, “my biggest gripe was that NGOs didn’t dare to engage with jiandu quan, canyu quan), network members hope to pro- real issues” (NGOs bu gan jieru xianshi). Another impor- mote a more participatory form of environmental govern- tant development was the state’s promotion of governance ance, which addresses the root causes of problems that cause reforms nominally designed to empower the public to hold EDCs in the first place. As one NGO leader put it: polluters to account (Johnson 2010). By focusing on pro- We aim to play the role of mediator and be a com- cedural deficiencies including perceived lack of official munication bridge [between the public and the gov- transparency and public consultation, urban middle class ernment]… We hope that, after an ignorant appeal protestors shared similar ground with NGOs, yet the latter remained largely disconnected from protests (Johnson 2010). In this context, environmental journalist Feng Yongfeng established the NGO Nature University (Ziran Daxue), 2 The 2008 Trial Measures on Environmental Information Disclosure which has pioneered a more “grassroots” approach to enable citizens to apply for disclosure of certain types of information. 1 3 738 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 (bu ming bu bai de shangfang), we can examine why 2009, with the project having been approved “in principle” the appeal was ignorant, how to enable public partici- by various local government departments, inspection trips pation, and how to resolve this problem. We need to to other incinerators operated by Weiming, the private com- return to the situation before the appeal took place, pany in charge of constructing and operating the Panguany- and see whether this project can continue. If it can ing incinerator, were arranged. Although the Hebei Provin- continue, should there be more compensation? Should cial Environmental Protection Bureau (EPB) subsequently the site be changed? Is there a need to improve super- claimed that these visits had successfully dispelled any fears vision of the facility? Only if these issues are properly concerning incineration that residents might have had, par- addressed can these NIMBY cases result in a gradual ticipants only comprised a handful of local officials who improvement (emphasis added). were likely to approve of the project or at least not oppose it. The only village representative included on these trips Another strand of Nature University’s work involves was Panguanying Party Secretary Qiao Yanli, who had been enabling pollution activists to share their experiences and accused of corruption and was deeply unpopular amongst a to network with similar people from other locations. For significant portion of villagers. example, in 2012, a workshop was held on “NIMBY cases in The Panguanying incinerator only became common China” that resulted in an NGO report documenting over 20 knowledge in mid-April 2009 when Qiao led a group such “NIMBY” cases. The recent popularisation of social of workers to measure the land for the project. He was media and micro blogging—especially Weibo—has also approached by Pan Zuofu, a member of one of Panguany- facilitated communication between grassroots communities ing’s “teams” (the smallest administrative designation which and urban activists (Bondes and Johnson 2017). Through refers to a sub-village unit), which controlled 14 mu (a little this, otherwise “isolated” (Van Rooij 2010: 76), activists less than a hectare) of farmland designated for the incinera- become networked into a broader activist community where tor. Pan Zuofu became involved in a heated discussion about they can share knowledge and experience. One NGO inform- compensation levels, which he found thoroughly inadequate. ant described Weibo as a “small command centre” (xiaoxing Qiao retored that, with higher levels backing the incinerator zhihuibu) that serves as a platform for sharing information project, any resistance would be “futile”. and breaking issues out of local confines. Pan Zuofu enlisted support from his uncle Pan Qing- Network formation between urban and rural activists wen, who belonged to the same farming team and whose is not just a top–down process. It is contingent upon sev- interests were, therefore, also under threat, as well as other eral local level factors, including grassroots leadership. We sympathetic villagers. They appealed at multiple levels examine these factors next through a case study of the Pan- via the letters and visits (xinfang) system that provides an guanying anti-incinerator campaign. institutionalised channel through which citizens can lodge complaints against officials, claiming that the land expro- priation was illegal and that the decision-making process The Panguanying anti‑incinerator campaign contained procedural flaws. They claimed that their land was “basic farmland” (jiben nongtian), and not, as local offi- In 2008, the Qinhuangdao Municipal Government decided to cials claimed yuandi (literally, “garden land”). This mattered construct a waste incinerator in the village of Panguanying, because according to Chinese law expropriation of the for- approximately 35 km away from the city yet only 200 metres mer requires central government approval whilst the latter from the nearest homes. Villagers were excluded from the does not. However, local officials rebuffed the men’s com- decision-making process and denied even the most basic plaints, and the Hebei EPB approved the project’s EIA in information about the project. Instead they were viewed as May 2009, allowing construction to begin. Undeterred, the potential obstacles to be overcome rather than as partici- villagers repeatedly contacted the National Land Resources pants in the decision-making process. The decision-making Ministry, which in September 2009 compelled the local process was deliberately structured to guarantee support county government to halt the project until proper proce- from village leaders and neutralize potential opposition dures related to the land issue had been followed. Shortly from local people through denying them a voice. Although thereafter those procedures were completed and construc- local officials advertised a public comment period in line tion resumed. with EIA Law requirements, they did this through placing small notices in the county government, which were not seen (and not meant to be seen) by villagers. Then, in early One key stakeholder that we interviewed insisted that officials had covertly altered the land designation from basic agricultural land to On file with the authors. yuandi in order that these procedures could be completed. 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 739 problem’s resolution. In response, the MEP called for the Reframing opposition: from land to health project’s suspension pending further investigation, and the planned incinerator was later relocated (Johnson 2013). The incinerator issue was soon reframed from a land dis- pute involving a handful of affected villagers to a major Reflecting on the Half Hour Economy episode, one lead- ing campaign participant said, public health issue. First, a villager formerly employed as an environmental protection officer for a local paper mill Lots of national experts said that it’s best to keep warned that burning waste could cause the release of diox- incinerators to a minimum because they are harmful ins, a harmful pollutant. Then, on 1 September 2009, China to health… We subsequently saw the [Liulitun report], Central Television (CCTV) aired an episode of Half Hour and downloaded it from the Internet…we saw that Economy (Jingji Ban Xiaoshi) entitled Dioxins are Tor- Liulitun residents had filed a lawsuit, and there was a menting China (Er’eying Kunrao Zhongguo). A major lawyer, Xia Jun. We decided to also contact a lawyer, international conference on dioxins had recently been held because [in relation to the Liulitun Report] we can’t in Beijing, where several recent anti-incinerator protests write this kind of thing, we don’t understand environ- motivated in part by fears concerning dioxin emissions mental law, so we contacted Xia Jun. had occurred (Johnson 2013). The Half Hour Economy episode dramatized the link between dioxins and cancer, In June 2010, Panguanying campaigners produced their own ten-page report. It resembled the Liulitun document, and interviewed Professor Zhao Zhangyuan. The episode also featured interviews with anti-incinerator campaigners including scientific assertions that incinerators pose a health hazard and claims that, by excluding the public, the siting from Liulitun, a Beijing suburb where residents had been opposing a planned incinerator since 2006. Through this, decision contravened laws and regulations. Then, in sum- mer 2010, the Pans travelled to Beijing to meet with Zhao Panguanying villagers discovered that other communities were also struggling against incinerators. Importantly, the Zhangyuan and Xia Jun. Both men, together with several Nature University activists, subsequently visited Panguany- realization that the incinerator could threaten public health inspired a third villager, Pan Zhizhong, to join the campaign. ing to provide technical information about the dangers of incineration and advise the Pans about how to contest the He distributed copies of Dioxins are Tormenting China and other materials from the internet to local people to raise incinerator. Lawyer Xia agreed to represent the villagers, and in September 2010 helped them file an administrative awareness. This resulted in 1500 villagers (from Panguany- ing and surrounding villages) signing a petition against the review application challenging the Hebei EPB’s decision to approve the incinerator project’s EIA on five grounds: incinerator (Shang 2013). Pan Zhizhong then visited every village within a 5-km radius of the incinerator site and col- The project had not been included in municipal govern- lected handwritten statements from 37 village heads express- ing opposition to the project. ment plans; The project contravened national government policies, The Liulitun case strongly influenced Panguanying vil - lagers. There, campaigners had articulated persuasive, facts- including protection of groundwater and arable land, and of a nearby scenic zone; based arguments against the incinerator project (Johnson 2013). Liulitun residents produced a detailed 44-page report There was no evidence about how dioxin emissions would be kept within safe standards; [hereinafter referred to as the “Liulitun Report”] outlining their rationale and strategies for opposing the incinerator, The EIA did not consider, among other things, incinera- tor sludge and ash treatment, and monitoring of dioxins; and uploaded it to the internet. They also fully utilised legal channels, challenging the project based on errors in the sit- The EIA violated the law because public opinion wasn’t solicited and there was insufficient information disclo- ing process such as factual mistakes and lack of public par- ticipation (Johnson 2013). They did this through hiring envi- sure. ronmental lawyer Xia Jun, who helped campaigners contest the project’s EIA through an administrative review applica- The MEP accepted the administrative review application but ultimately upheld the EPB’s decision. Villagers contin- tion. They also peacefully surrounded MEP headquarters in Beijing on World Environment Day 2007 to demand the ued to file administrative reviews into other aspects of the case, including the land designation issue, yet these efforts were also rebuffed. Then, in 2011, again with Xia’s help, they filed an administrative litigation lawsuit at the Shiji- The online link to this programme no longer works. It is possible azhuang Qiaoxi District People’s Court against the Hebei to find an abridged, five-minute version on the Internet (available at http://my.tv.sohu.com/us/52230 36/36287 61.shtml ). After coming under pressure from the Township government, two village heads revoked their complaints (Shang 2013). On file with the authors. 1 3 740 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 EPB’s decision to approve the EIA. The case was accepted The aftermath: negotiating a stalemate and both sides submitted evidence in advance of the court case. During that process, villagers stumbled on a discovery Whilst the halting of the incinerator project was regarded that transformed the case. as a major victory for campaigners, the half-built structure still literally and figuratively loomed over the village. Cam- Fraudulent public participation: the smoking gun paigners worried that the EIA would be rectified, allowing the project to resume as planned. Rather than claiming an The China Meteorological Association (Qixiang Ju) (CMA) outright victory then, campaigners’ efforts had resulted in had conducted the EIA. In evidence submitted to the MEP an uneasy stalemate (jiangju). during the 2010 administrative review process, the provin- The Hebei EPB’s revoking of the EIA did not, there- cial EPB claimed results from 100 questionnaires issued to fore, spell an end to the EDC. In March 2011, villagers local residents as part of the EIA process indicated “strong challenged the MEP to hold the CMA accountable for the public support” (jun tongyi) for the project. Residents sus- shoddy EIA, and attempted to sue the MEP when it refused pected foul play, but lacked evidence to verify their suspi- to do so. However, the court case was not accepted. Several cions. Amazingly, however, this changed when, during the Beijing-based NGOs were also committed to improving the evidence-collecting period for the administrative litigation performance of units conducting EIAs. For example, after lawsuit, the plaintiffs obtained the full EIA report from discovering similar problems with public consultation for the EPB. According to Xia Jun, the court was known to be another EIA—also conducted by the CMA—in relation to relatively strict, and would likely not allow either side to the Sujiatuo incinerator in suburban Beijing, five NGOs add evidence after proceedings began. He speculated that issued an open letter calling for the CMA’s licence for con- this explained why the EPB, perhaps unaware of any prob- ducting EIAs to be stripped. This call was not heeded. Vil- lems with the EIA, submitted the full version as evidence. lagers also challenged Weiming’s application to conduct After obtaining the EIA, the anti-incinerator campaigners an initial public offering (IPO). Companies are required quickly determined that the questionnaire survey had been to obtain approval from the MEP before launching an IPO completely falsified, providing them with an incontrovert- to prevent highly polluting companies from being listed; ible “smoking gun” that proved procedural malpractice. For Weiming had requested MEP approval in December 2010. example, some survey responses had been attributed to vil- Villagers claimed that the fraudulent EIA rendered Weim- lagers who had died or left the village long ago. The 64 ing unfit to launch its IPO. However, the MEP announced “respondents” still living in the village denied participating that, because the IPO application had occurred before the in the survey. They signed statements indicating that they problems with the Panguanying case emerged, Weiming was opposed the incinerator, and that the questionnaires were eligible to proceed with its IPO. These examples highlight fake. Upon receiving this news, villagers notified Nature the difficulties associated with translating local case-based University, which wrote to the MEP and contacted a Phoenix issues into wider struggles. Weekly journalist who visited Panguanying and reported on Back in Panguanying, in 2012, Pan Zhizhong stood for the case (Bondes and Johnson 2017). election as village head after villagers had forced Qiao Yanli Evidence concerning the fake questionnaires proved to step down. Pan believed that this would enable him to decisive in stopping construction of the incinerator for a deal a fatal blow to the project. Several environmental activ- second time. In March 2011, the Hebei EPB halted the pro- ists went to Panguanying to witness the election and offer ject and announced that it would not approve any EIAs in protection to Pan, who was coming under severe pressure Qinhuangdao until the new incinerator EIA had been passed from pro-incinerator forces. However, this election, and a with proper public consultation. On 27 May, the Hebei EPB subsequent one, was disrupted by local thug allegedly linked officially revoked the EIA, and 2 weeks later the court con- to Township officials, leaving the village without a head for firmed that villagers had withdrawn their lawsuit. As of several years. October 2017, construction has not resumed, and villagers In late 2012, in a clear signal that they wanted to resume employed by Weiming to watch over the half-built incinera- the project following 2 years of inaction, Weiming attempted tor have begun to cultivate vegetables again within its walls. to negotiate with Pan Zhizhong and Pan Zuofu. The two men agreed to have lunch with Weiming representatives, during which Pan Zhizhong reasserted his intention to stand for vil- lage head and oppose the incinerator (Shang 2013). Weiming also invited members of the environmental network—includ- ing Mao Da, Chen Liwen, Feng Yongfeng, Zhao Zhangy- 8 uan, and Xia Jun—to visit an incinerator in Jiangsu Prov- See http://news.ifeng .com/fhzk/detai l_2011_03/01/49057 32_0.shtml . ince, which they accepted. However, scope for cooperation 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 741 between the two sides was limited. When Weiming asked public participation is being incorrectly carried out, Mao Da if network members could mediate between it and so that when other places build something they have the villagers, he insisted that the format should be a waste to consider public participation, obtain everyone’s management forum where all issues could be openly debated agreement. We don’t want money, we’re interested and covered by the media. However, Weiming refused, and in justice. mediation failed, leaving the issue unresolved. Similarly, despite limited opportunities for networking with other communities, leading campaigners in the Pan- guanying case publicly shunned the “NIMBY” label and Discussion acknowledged the wider (strong) sustainability issues con- cerning waste management. One campaigner stated that he Several factors contributed to the formation of a loose net- wanted the half-built incinerator to be transformed into an work between village-based activists and a range of anti- environmental protection museum. And, in August 2017, incineration activists and experts, which in turn enabled a Nature University activist involved in the Panguanying the case to transcend its local significance and become case revealed she was discussing the possibility of using regarded as a ‘classic’ case that activists could learn from. the village as a site for a pilot project in waste reduction Most basically, local campaigners’ focus on participation and sorting with residents. Overall, as the Panguanying and procedural justice allowed their interests to merge case shows, resorting to discourses of sustainability and with those of professional anti-incineration campaigners. justice serves as an increasingly desirable strategy for local Framing environmental justice claims in the language of campaigners to avoid the stigmatised NIMBY label. It also procedural justice is a well-practiced strategy for Chinese strengthens opportunities for collaboration with urban- environmental activists, and belongs to a broader tendency based, professional environmentalists including Beijing to depoliticise environmental politics (Ho and Edmonds anti-incineration network members. Conversely, members 2008). Indeed, much contention in China relies upon of the network performed the role of ‘elite allies’ shining a identifying and drawing attention to misimplementation spotlight on the village and exposing official malfeasance. of laws and regulations and taking advantage of cleavages The charisma and strength of character of the people within the state (O’Brien and Li 2006). Official state sup- involved are crucial to the survival of any campaign, let port for public consultation in relation to siting decisions alone its success and the possibility of networking with other enabled villagers to challenge the project on procedural campaigners. Although Pan Qingwen was incapacitated by a grounds, since they had not been adequately consulted. stroke early in the campaign, Pan Zhizhong and Pan Zuofu This was also vital in supporting the development of this resolutely maintained their opposition. This incurred a high rural–urban anti-incineration network. Legal reforms personal cost. They were threatened by local thugs and Pan promoting public participation are enabling NGOs to out- Zuofu’s windows were smashed. Local officials also (unsuc- grow their reliance on personal connections with party- cessfully) attempted to persuade the three men to drop their state officials, or, in Ho and Edmonds’ (2008) words, their campaign through applying pressure through relational ties, “embeddedness” and to work more closely with affected something that Deng and O’Brien (2013) refer to as “rela- communities. Contingent political circumstances also pre- tional repression”. For example, one county leader alleg- sented a timely opportunity: activists attributed the Shi- edly contacted Pan Zhizhong through a relative, and offered jiazhuang court decision in favour of the villagers to the him alternative accommodation outside of the village. Pan prior departure of the Provincial EPB Head. This meant Zuofu’s cousin, a civil servant, advised him against con- that the EIA approval could be suspended without causing tinuing his opposition. But, both men refused to listen to him to lose face. these offers/threats. Meanwhile, the Qinhuangdao Govern- Closely related to this convergence of focus is a con- ment offered to find work for Pan Qingwen’s five daughters, vergence of language between village activists and profes- and to pay for treatment for his sick wife—he also refused sional environmentalists who collaborated with them. Very this offer. When Pan Qingwen’s application for minimum much in this vein, village-based campaigners in Panguany- living guarantee was turned down, his daughters claimed ing adopted some of the discourses of justice and recogni- that it was because of his involvement in the anti-incinerator tion employed by members of the Beijing anti-incineration campaign. network. For example, one villager stated that: Opportunities for contact and mutual learning were When we sued the government, we didn’t want central to supporting and protecting village-based activ- money, we wanted accountability. Even if they give ists, and in turn to the formation of this rural–urban net- me one Yuan, I don’t mind, as long as the govern- work. Technology and infrastructure played a key role in ment loses. We can ring an alarm bell in China, that this regard. The proximity to Beijing (2 h by high-speed 1 3 742 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 rail), facilitated several face-to-face interactions between one of the leading campaigners to ask rhetorically “are we villagers and ENGO activists. The media, particularly the not people too?” CCTV documentary, was also instrumental in supporting In contrast, professional environmentalists seek to use the rural–urban network. First and foremost, it made villag- grassroots cases to shape an ambivalent and contested ers realise that theirs was not an isolated struggle. Second, regulatory landscape (Van Rooij et al. 2016). For example, it sounded alarm bells about the potential health effects of Xia Jun had a vested interest in promoting the resolution incineration in their vicinity, enabling their opposition to of environmental disputes via legal means to expand the go beyond initial economistic concerns about loss of land role of lawyers in environmental governance. Recounting and livelihood and to include concerns with health too. The a conversation with Peking University law professor Wang latter provided a crucial shared ground with professional Jin, he stated, activists. Third, it provided a roadmap for their opposition to we had been discussing law and public participation, the incinerator based on the experience of Liulitun campaign we wanted to find some cases, then [the Panguany - and allowed them to identify and contact potential allies ing] case came along, it was very “classic” (dianx- (such as lawyer Xia Jun). ing).” I asked him why can’t lawyers help construc- While the formation and persistence of environmental tors [of projects with potential environmental impact] networks requires and fosters some shared ground between with [conducting] public participation, which has been the parties involved, it does not necessarily entail that they very problematic? But we feel it’s difficult, because should share all their aims. Village campaigners were not the MEP and EPBs tend to reject lawyers, they think primarily concerned with the kind of normative govern- that the EIA system can handle everything, including ance goals prioritised by Beijing Environmental Network legal service. We didn’t have a good example case to members. As one NGO activist with close ties to the case show our perspective. But the Panguanying case was commented, “[the villagers] just want to pull this project one such case, it’s very classic, down to the level of down once and for all”. In addition, apart from focusing on fabrication [of the questionnaires], there was serious procedural issues, Panguanying villagers also framed their illegality. grievances in the language of distribution and recognition. This was evident in their ten-page report, the final section Similarly, a Nature University staff member repeatedly of which was titled “Common People’s Opinions” (Baix- suggested that Panguanying was a good “case” (anzi) from ing Yijian). It drew a sharp distinction between urban areas which to learn and for highlighting shortcomings in the EIA as producers of waste that were being beautified, and rural process and encourage other communities to also use legal areas as dumping grounds populated by irrelevant and dis- channels to resolve EDCs. One of the main goals of urban posable people. One passage stated that, activists is to raise societal awareness by enabling cases to enter the public sphere (jinru shehui de shijiao). The story Villagers aren’t a group of fools, we also know to of the faked questionnaires was highly newsworthy. Several stand up and fight when our survival is threatened. media outlets, including the People’s Daily, reported on the Waste incineration came about because of cities. It fake questionnaires in an article entitled “EIA Unit Actu- cleaned city spaces whilst polluting vulnerable villag- ally Engages in This Kind of Forgery” (Huanping jigou jing ers. Almost every aspect [of incinerators sited in rural zheyang zaojia) after environmental activists tipped them areas] affects nearby villagers’ livelihoods, sacrificing off, and Zhao Zhangyuan wrote a blistering criticism of the their health in the short term to alleviate the waste project’s EIA process. In addition, Pan Zhizhong and Pan problems that accompany urban development… We Zuofu have participated in seminars organised by Beijing also want to survive, we also want environmental pro- activists. The first time this happened was in 2010, after Xia tection, and we also want to live with dignity. Jun introduced the case to other network members. The two Villagers’ examination of official documents concerning men travelled to Beijing and shared their story with activists the siting decision revealed that Panguanying was chosen, and other people fighting against pollution. In 2013, shortly because it was downwind from urban (chengzhen) areas after our field visit, the two men participated in a small con- and “some distance” (yiding juli) from residential areas, ference in Beijing on “NIMBY in China”, organised by the which was desirable in limiting “disturbance” (ganrao). Yet, NGO Nature University. Their story was written up, along according to villagers, almost 30,000 rural residents lived with 20 other cases, and included in the conference pro- within five kilometres of the incinerator site. This prompted ceedings. Participation by local campaigners in such events For more information on the mixed motives of environmental law- yers, see Stern 2013 Chap. 6. http://zhaoz hangy uan.blog.sohu.com/16552 1477.html. 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 743 organised by brokers and urban professional activists is cen- to public participation in siting disputes, something viewed tral to the establishment and strengthening of networks. as an endemic issue in China. An important way in which individual, local campaigns Rural–urban networks like the one which emerged around become scaled up to broader significance is in their role as Panguanying’s incinerator can go far beyond environmen- precedents. Several precedents were set in the Panguany- tal issues in challenging multiple forms of domination ing case, including the release of the full EIA report and (Schlosberg 1999). In the Panguanying case, the battle for the decision to revoke the EIA approval after the discovery recognition was rooted in the wider issue of citizenship and of malpractice in relation to the solicitation of public com- participation. These features of environmental justice are ments. Given that public participation requirements are fre- closely linked—as Schlosberg (2007: 25) noted, “if you are quently overlooked—something that is not helped by weakly not recognized, you do not participate; if you do not par- worded legislation—Nature University, Xia Jun and other ticipate, you are not recognized”. Decision makers strived network members hoped that this case could highlight this to render villagers invisible—they were not informed of the problem and stimulate broader institutional reforms. project and were completely excluded from the decision- Whilst the network analysed in this article contributed making process, culminating in the forged questionnaires. crucially to the relatively “successful” conclusion of this By fabricating locals’ approval, the EIA attempted to silence case from the activists’ perspective, it was not the only fac- villagers while pretending that they had in fact been given a tor. Panguanying’s proximity to Beijing, just two hours away voice. Conversely, efforts by village campaigners and their by train, facilitated the involvement of environmental activ- allies in Beijing aimed to unmask injustices, both in terms ists and the media in this case. There was also an element of the lack of recognition of villagers’ views and potential of luck—for example, the EPB’s decision to hand over the effects on their health and livelihoods. entire EIA report came as a surprise to Xia Jun (Bondes and In discussing the potential for EDCs to contribute to Johnson 2017). And, one NGO activist who had participated strong sustainability, Scheidel et  al. (2017) differentiate in the case told us that waste disposal was not a particularly between intermodal and intramodal conflicts. The for- pressing issue in the region, and that local officials were, mer emerge within an established pattern of resource use therefore, not in a rush to construct an incinerator, something between different social groups, whereas the latter defends which contributed to the stalemate described above. Finally, a particular mode of resource use against industrial society’s the courage and determination of key village activists cannot attempts to transform it. The Panguanying case straddled be underestimated. All of these factors contributed to the these two categories. On the one hand, the village campaign- outcome in this case. ers’ primary goal was to prevent an incinerator being con- structed in Panguanying, indicating an intermodal conflict. Yet, in doing so, they became increasingly aware about the Conclusion dangers of incineration in general, and about shortcomings in the EIA process that robbed them of any agency. This Let us return to one of the questions leading this special intramodal aspect of the Panguanying case was also influ- issue: “why, through whom, how and when” do EDCs result enced by strategic imperatives and by urban activists whose in social justice and environmental sustainability (Scheidel concerns about incineration and environmental governance et al. 2017) considering the Panguanying case and the net- went far beyond the village itself. Engagement of activists work which formed around it. Rural–urban environmental such as the Pans can be both inter and intramodal, depending networks like the one surrounding Panguanying are a new on the context—the two are not mutually exclusive. form of movement organising in China. Schlosberg (1999: The Panguanying case is an instance in which an EDC 142) argued that “networks expand the notion of environ- supports sustainability. This is not because the incinerator mental locality, as they expose the similarities shared by is on hold, but rather because it raises questions about the communities in disparate places”. Similarly, in the Pan- failings of the EIA process and engages with the question guanying case, their most crucial effect is enabling what of incineration safety and desirability as a whole. Their began as a place-based EDC to transcend the local level, proponents claim that waste incinerators represent a clean giving it wider significance and potential to become a prec- and efficient way of handling waste, and are preferable to edent for subsequent campaigns. From the view point of landfill. Yet, studies have cast doubt on this in China due to local activists, the rural–urban network amplified their voice concerns that incinerators are not managed or regulated to and helped them challenge unjust decisions. Conversely, high enough standards (Johnson 2013). One rare study of this network served the interests of professional activists emissions from 19 Chinese incinerators found considerable by creating wider public debate surrounding the misimple- variation, with some achieving EU standards and others fail- mentaion of environmental regulations, mainly in relation ing to meet much laxer national standards (Ni et al. 2009). By becoming an exemplary case trumpeted by professional 1 3 744 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 activists and the media, Panguanying highlighted serious Environmental networks face obstacles both against hori- problems with the EIA process and showed how the rights zontal expansion (forging links between affected communi- and interests of vulnerable populations can be overlooked ties) and vertical expansion (between professional activists by planners. And as of late 2017, Nature University activists and affected communities) (Bondes and Johnson 2017). were in discussion with Panguanying residents about using Regarding the latter, whilst the MEP introduced regulations the village as a pilot site for a rural waste reduction and sort- to increase the scope of non-state involvement, in the Pan- ing project. At least three other cases in our sample—Aobei, guanying case, it repeatedly turned a deaf ear to villagers’ Liulitun and Panyu—also resulted in community efforts in appeals, choosing instead to side with local officials. Even waste sorting and reduction (Johnson 2013). The case, there- when the CMA had been guilty of serious wrongdoing on fore, supports Scheidel et al. (2017) argument that environ- more than one occasion, the MEP did not take formal dis- mental justice success can support wider efforts to improve ciplinary action against it. The state’s ambivalence towards sustainability. non-state actors (Stern 2013)—even when they have legiti- Despite Panguanying case’s significance, the prospects mate demands—limits the potential for improvements in for a scaling-up of anti-incinerator activism in China are environmental governance within a one-party system. This is highly constrained. The professional activist community is unfortunate, especially given that elite allies such as NGOs, small and lacks resources. More importantly, the party-state journalists and lawyers help soften the boundaries between maintains a strong aversion to linked up activism, particu- state and society and generally view their role as mediators larly between disparate affected communities, that may chal- instead of agitators. lenge its monopoly on political power. Hence, whilst there As Temper et al. (2018) argue, EDCs can result in the appears to be strong demand among grassroots and activ- creation of new norms and institutional structures that alter ist communities for a strong environmental justice move- power relations resulting in “transformations to sustainabil- ment based on incinerators and other pollution problems, ity”. This happens when EDCs coalesce into bigger move- the prospects for this materialising appear bleak. The vast ments that “question the broader structures causing envi- majority of EDCs will likely remain rooted in local power ronmental injustices” and whose approach “is often radical struggles. Yet, as the early stages of the Panguanying cam- and broad-minded” (Scheidel et al. 2017). In China, any paign showed, materials related to other communities’ EDC such transformations are most likely to occur when there experiences are still readily accessible through the Inter- is strong cooperation between state and non-state actors. net. These discourses, which are rooted in broader concerns Whilst a form of “depoliticised” (Ho and Edmonds 2008) about the regulation and governance of environmental risks, environmental activism is tolerated by the state, this does will likely inform future EDCs even when campaigners fail not include radical movements intent on reconfiguring power to network with outside activists. structures. For example, the battle to improve public par- The level of networking in the Panguanying case ticipation in environmental issues is an iterative process exceeded that witnessed in most of the other anti-inciner- between sympathetic state actors and their policies, and non- ator cases documented so far in the EJ Atlas database. One state activists who demand that those policies are adhered to. reason why EDCs so often remain localised is that the rural Yet, whilst Chinese leaders have thrown their weight behind grassroots level often provides an inhospitable environment energy efficiency and pollution reduction policies, making for activism, even when it is perfectly legal. One urban envi- them key aspects of local official evaluation (see Wang 2013; ronmental activist recounted his experience in rural China: Kostka 2015), the promotion of public participation as a means for enhancing environmental justice lacks high level I’m terrified to death of taking a photo [of pollution]. I political support. Although there are several challenges to don’t even dare to call the pollution reporting hotline. EDCs scaling-up, the emergence of networks like the one It’s like if you make a phone call you are commit- surrounding Panguanying, however contingent, offers some ting a crime. It’s also not possible to tell the police. room for hope in the pursuit of strong sustainability. Sometimes people give me photos and ask me to report the situation, they are scared that the Public Security Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Crea- Bureau will find them if they publicise the photos, they tive Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creat iveco mmons.or g/licenses/b y/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribu- are scared of being arrested. tion, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Because outside attention can result in local officials Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. being disciplined, they have a strong incentive to limit con- tact between local campaigners and outsiders. The limita- tions we faced whilst carrying out fieldwork may serve as additional illustration of these dynamics. 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 745 Johnson T (2013) The health factor in anti-waste incinerator campaigns References in Beijing and Guangzhou. China Q 214:356–375 Johnson T (2014) Good governance for environmental protection in Balkan E (2012) Dirty truth about China’s incinerators. Chinadialogue, China: instrumentation, strategic interactions and unintended con- 4 July. https ://www .china dialo gue.ne t/ar tic le/5024-Dir ty -tr ut h sequences. J Contemp Asia 44(2):241–258 -about -China -s-incin erato rs. Accessed 2 Mar 2017 Johnson T (2017) Municipal solid waste management. Sternfeld E (ed) Bondes M, Johnson T (2017) Beyond localized environmental conten- Routledge handbook of environmental policy in China. Routledge, tion: horizontal and vertical diu ff sion in a Chinese anti-incinerator Abingdon, pp 302–313 campaign. J Contemp China 26(104):504–520 Kostka G (2015) Command without control: the case of China’s envi- Bullard RD (1990) Dumping in Dixie: race, class and environmental ronmental target system. Regul Governance 10(1):58–74 quality. Westview Press, Boulder. Lang G, Xu Y (2013) Anti-incinerator campaigns and the evolution of Cai Y (2010) Collective resistance in China: why popular protests suc- protest politics in China. Environ Politics 22(5):832–848 ceed or fail. Stanford University Press, Stanford Liu J (2013) Defending tiger leaping Gorge. In: Geall Sam (ed) China Camisani PB (2018) Sri Lanka: a political ecology of socio-environ- and the environment: the green revolution. Zed Books, London, mental conflicts and development projects. Sustain Sci. https :// pp 203–235 doi.org/10.1007/s1162 5-018-0544-7 Lora-Wainwright A (2017) Resigned activism: living with pollution in Carruthers D (ed) (2008) Environmental justice in Latin America: rural China. MIT Press, Cambridge Mass problems, promise, and practice. MIT Press, Cambridge Lora-Wainwright A, Zhang Y, Wu Y, Van Rooij B (2012) Learning Chen X (2012) Qu zuzhihua: Yuezhu jiti xingdong de celüe [Go and to live with pollution: the making of environmental subjects in a organise: homeowners’ collective action strategy]. Gonggong Chinese industrialized village. China J 68:106–124 Guanli Xuebao 2:67–75 Ma C (2010) Who bears the environmental burden in China—an analy- Chen T (2014) Zhongguo de huanjing kangzheng: yi xiang wenxian sis of the distribution of industrial pollution sources? Ecol Econ yanjiu [Environmental resistance in China: a piece of research 69(9):1869–1876 based on documents]. Hehai Daxue Xuebao 1:33–43 Martinez-Alier J, Munda G, O’Neill J (1998) Weak comparability Coggins C (2003) The tiger and the pangolin: nature, culture, and con- of values as a foundation for ecological economics. Ecol Econ servation in China. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 26:277–286 Deng Y, O’Brien K (2013) Relational repression in China: using social Martinez-Alier J, Kallis G, Veuthey S, Walter M, Temper L (2010) ties to demobilize protesters. China Q 215:533–552 Social metabolism, ecological distribution conflicts, and valuation Economy E (2004) The river runs black: the environmental challenge languages. Ecol Econ 70:153–158 to China’s future. Cornell University Press, Ithaca Martinez-Alier J, Anguelovski I, Bond P, Del Bene D, Demaria Gottlieb R (2001) Environmentalism unbound: Exploring new path- F, Gerber J, Greyl L, Haas W, Healy H, Marín-Burgos V, Ojo ways for change. MIT Press, Cambridge G, Porto M, Rijnhout L, Rodríguez-Labajos B, Spangenberg Guha R, Martinez-Alier J (2013) Varieties of environmentalism: essays J, Temper L, Warlenius R, Yánez I (2014) Between activism North and South. Earthscan Publications, London and science: grassroots concepts for sustainability coined by Guo W, Chen X (2011) Laji chuli zhengce yu gongmin chuangyi yun- environmental justice organizations. J Political Ecol 21:19–60 dong [Waste treatment policy and citizen advocacy movement]. Martinez-Alier J, Temper L, Del Bene D, Scheidel A (2016) Is Zhongshan Daxue Xuebao (Shehui Kexue Ban) 51(4):181–192 there a global environmental justice movement? J Peasant Stud Harvey D (1996) Justice, nature, and the geography of difference. 43(3):731–755 Blackwell Publishers, Cambridge McDonald D (2002) Environmental justice in South Africa. Ohio Hathaway M (2013) Environmental winds: making the global in South- University Press, Athens west China. University of California Press, Berkeley Mertha A (2008) China’s water warriors: citizen action and policy Herrold-Menzies M (2009) Peasant resistance against nature reserves. change. Cornell University Press, Ithaca In: Hsing Y, Lee CK (eds) Reclaiming Chinese society: politics of Ni Y, Zhang H, Fan S, Zhang X, Zhang Q, Chen J (2009) Emissions redistribution, recognition and representation. Routledge, London, of PCDD/Fs from municipal solid waste incinerators in China. pp 83–98 Chemosphere 75:1153–1158 Herrero A, Vilella M (2017) ‘We have a right to breathe clean air’: the O’Brien K, Li L (2006) Rightful resistance in rural China. Cam- emerging environmental justice movement against waste incinera- bridge University Press, New York tion in cement kilns in Spain. Sustain Sci. https://doi.or g/10.1007/ Özkaynak B, Aydın Cī, Ertör-Akyazı P, Ertör I (2015) The Gezi Park s1162 5-017-0473-x resistance from an environmental justice and social metabolism Heyman J (2011) An academic in an activist coalition: Recognizing perspective. Capital Nat Social 26(1):99–114 and bridging role conflicts. Ann Anthropol Pract 35(2):136–153 Piller C (1991) The fail-safe society: community defiance and the Ho P, Edmonds R (eds) (2008) China’s embedded activism: opportu- end of American technological optimism. BasicBooks, New nities and constraints of a social movement. Routledge, London York Hoornweg D, Bhada-Tata P (2012) What a waste: a global review of Pirkey W (2012) Beyond militant particularisms: collaboration and solid waste management. Urban Development Series; Knowledge hybridization in the “contact zones” of environmentalism. Capital Papers No. 15. The World Bank, Washington, DC Nat Social 23(3):70–91 Inglehart R (1977) The silent revolution: Changing values and politi- Saunders C (2013) Environmental networks and social movement cal styles among Western publics. Princeton University Press, theory. New York, Bloomsbury Princeton Scheidel A, Temper L, Demaria F, Martinez-Alier J (2017) Ecologi- Jing J (2000) Environmental protests in rural China. In: Perry EJ, cal distribution conflicts as forces for sustainability: an overview Selden M (eds) Chinese society: change, conflict and resistance. and conceptual framework. Sustain Sci. https ://doi.org/10.1007/ Routledge, London, pp 143–160 s1162 5-017-0519-0 Johnson T (2010) Environmentalism and NIMBYism in China: pro- Schlosberg D (1999) Networks and mobile arrangements: organisa- moting a rules-based approach to public participation. Environ tional innovation in the US environmental justice movement. Politics 19(3):430–448 Environ Politics 8(1):122–148 1 3 746 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 Schlosberg D (2007) Defining environmental justice: theories, move- Tilt B (2010) Struggling for sustainability in rural China: environmen- ments, and nature. Oxford University Press, Oxford tal values and civil society. Columbia University Press, New York Schlosberg D (2013) Theorising environmental justice: the expanding Tsing A (2005) Friction: an ethnography of global connection. Prince- sphere of a discourse. Environ Politics 22(1):37–55 ton University Press, Princeton Shang H (2013) Juji laji fenshaochang (Waste incinerator ambush). Van Rooij B (2010) The People vs. pollution: understanding citizen China Weekly, 21 March. http://www.china weekl y.cn/benca ndy. action against pollution in China. J Contemp China 19(63):55–77 php?fid=63&id=6503. Accessed 15 Mar 2014 Van Rooij B, Lora-Wainwright A, Wu Y, Zhang Y (2012) The compen- South China Morning Post (2011) Shenzhen plans world’s largest sation trap: the limits of community-based pollution regulation in incinerator. 15 September. http://www.scmp.com/article/97905 7/ China. Pace Environ Law (PELR) Rev 29(3):701–745 shenzhen-plans -w orlds-lar ges t-inciner ator . Accessed 19 Sept 2017 Van Rooij B, SternRE, Fürst K (2016) The authoritarian logic of regu- Spires A (2011) Contingent symbiosis and civil society in an authori- latory pluralism: understanding China’s new environmental actors. tarian state: understanding the survival of China’s grassroots Regul Gov 10(1):3–13 NGOs. Am J Sociol 117(1):1–45 Walker G (2009) Beyond distribution and proximity: exploring Steinhardt H, Wu F (2016) In the name of the public: environmen- the multiple spatialities of environmental justice. Antipode tal protest and the changing landscape of popular contention in 41(4):614–636 China. China J 75(1):61–82 Wang A (2013) The search for sustainable legitimacy: environmen- Stern R (2013) Environmental litigation in China: a study in political tal law and bureaucracy in China. Harvard Environ Law Rev ambivalence. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 37:365–440 Sun Y, Zhao D (2008) Environmental campaigns. In: O’Brien KJ (ed) Wells-Dang A (2012) Civil Society networks in China and Vietnam: Popular protest in China. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, informal pathbreakers in health and the environment. Palgrave pp 144–162 Macmillan, Basingstoke Szasz A (1994) EcoPopulism: toxic waste and the movement for envi- Williams G, Mawdsley E (2006) Postcolonial environmental justice: ronmental justice. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis government and governance in India. Geoforum 37(5):660–670 Sze J, London J (2008) Environmental justice at the crossroads. Sociol Wu F (2013) Environmental activism in provincial China: comparative Compass 2(4):1331–1354 evidence from Guangdong and Guanxi. J Environ Policy Plan Tan S, Ren T (2017) Wo guo huanjing kangzheng zhong shequ yu 15(1):89–108 minjian huanbao NGO zhi bijiao: yi Asuwei laji fenshao xiangmu Wuhu Ecology Center and Friends of Nature (2016) 231 zuo shenghuo fanjian shijian wei li [Comparison between environmental NGOs laji fenshaochang: xinxi gongkai yu wuranwu paifang baogao (di and community environmental resistance in China: taking the san qi) (231 waste incinerators: report on information disclosure Asuwei anti-incinerator case as an example]. Nanjing Gongye and pollutant emissions (third phase)). http://www.waste -cwin. Daxue Xuebao (Shehui Kexue Ban) 4:40–48org/sites/def ault/files /231zu o_la_ji_f en_shao_han_xin_xi_gong_ Temper L, Del Bene D, Martinez-Alier J (2015) Mapping the fron-kai_bao_gao_zui_zhong _ban_-email .pdf. Accessed 8 Mar 2017 tiers and front lines of global environmental justice: the EJAtlas. Xie L (2011) Environmental justice in China’s urban decision-making. J Political Ecol 22:255–278 Taiwan Comp Perspect 3:160–179 Temper L, Walter M, Rodriguez I, Kothari A, Turhan E (2018) A radi- Yeh E (2009) Greening western China: a critical view. Geoforum cal perspective on transformations to sustainability: resistances, 40:884–894 movements, alternatives. Sustain Sci. https ://doi.org/10.1007/ Zhang Y (2009) Ling yi zhong bu pingdeng. Lü Ye 4:28–43 s1162 5-018-0543-8 1 3 http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Sustainability Science Springer Journals

The quest for environmental justice in China: citizen participation and the rural–urban network against Panguanying’s waste incinerator

Download PDF
14 pages

Loading next page...
 
/lp/springer-journals/the-quest-for-environmental-justice-in-china-citizen-participation-and-ZwtiXlnLHv

References (98)

Publisher
Springer Journals
Copyright
Copyright © 2018 by The Author(s)
Subject
Environment; Environmental Management; Climate Change Management and Policy; Environmental Economics; Landscape Ecology; Sustainable Development; Public Health
ISSN
1862-4065
eISSN
1862-4057
DOI
10.1007/s11625-018-0545-6
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

Environmental distribution conflicts (EDCs) related to the construction and operation of waste incinerators have become commonplace in China. This article presents a detailed case study of citizen opposition to an incinerator in the village of Panguanying, Hebei Province. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork, we show how this case was notable, because it transcended the local arena to raise bigger questions about environmental justice, particularly in relation to public participation in sit- ing decisions, after villagers exposed fraudulent public consultation in the environmental impact assessment. An informal network between villagers and urban environmental activists formed, enabling the Panguanying case to exert influence far beyond the village locality. This network was critical in creating wider public debate about uneven power and substandard public participation in siting disputes, a central feature in many Chinese EDCs. By transcending local specificities and expos- ing broader, systemic inadequacies, this case became instrumental in supporting “strong sustainability”. Keywords Environmental justice · Sustainability · Environmental networks · China · Waste incineration · Protest Original research article (Scheidel et  al. 2017; Temper et  al. 2018; Herrero and Vilella 2017; Camisani 2018). They are driven by changes Environmental distribution conflicts (EDCs), defined as in social metabolism, namely “the manner in which human “mobilizations by local communities against particular eco- societies organize their growing exchanges of energy and nomic activities whereby environmental impacts are a key materials with the environment” (Martinez-Alier et al. 2010: element of their grievances” (Temper et al. 2015: 261–2), 153). Although such changes benefit certain groups, others have become widespread in China. Whilst they are often suffer from falling livelihoods, environmental degradation, centred on community efforts to uphold social justice and and worsening public health (Martinez-Alier et al. 2010). protect their local environments, EDCs can also be impor- Recent transformations in China’s industrial, economic, and tant by contributing to broader sustainability transitions social structures have spawned a wide range of EDCs, from large-scale urban protests over facilities such as chemical plants and waste incinerators, to protracted struggles over Handled by Federico Demaria, icta uab, Spain. industrial pollution in rural areas (Lora-Wainwright et al. 2012, 2017; Steinhardt and Wu 2016). * Thomas Johnson In China, EDCs centred on the construction and opera- Thomas.R.Johnson@Sheffield.ac.uk tion of waste incinerators have become particularly com- Department of Politics, University of Sheffield, Elmfield monplace. Since 2004 China has been the world’s biggest Building, Northumberland Road, Western Bank, waste generator, and by 2030 is predicted to generate double Sheffield S10 2TU, UK the amount of municipal solid waste produced in the United School of Geography and the Environment, Oxford States (Hoornweg and Bhada-Tata 2012). An impending University Centre for the Environment, University of Oxford, South Parks Road, Oxford OX1 3QY, UK College of Humanities and Development Studies, China Agricultural University, 17 Qinghua E Road, Haidian Qu, Beijing Shi 100083, People’s Republic of China Vol.:(0123456789) 1 3 734 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 “garbage crisis” (laji weiji) has resulted in major restructur- legitimacy. Yet, access to the media is not easily available ing of solid waste disposal. This includes a surge in con- to the majority of communities (Cai 2010). This greatly struction of “waste-to-energy” (WTE) incinerators, some of increases the difficulty of obtaining information on these which can burn thousands of tonnes of waste per day (John- cases so that they can be added to the EJ Atlas database. It is son 2017). The Chinese state’s 12th 5-Year Plan targeted likely, therefore, that many disputes, particularly unsuccess- a tripling of the number of incinerators, from 103 in 2010 ful cases, remain under the radar. Indeed, studies by Chinese to over 300 by the Plan’s end in 2015 (Johnson 2013: 357). scholars suggest that most cases of citizen contention are As of February 2016, 231 incinerators were operational in unsuccessful, and that this is particularly so in rural areas China (Wuhu Ecology Center and Friends of Nature 2016). (e.g., Chen 2014; Zhang 2009). WTE incineration is a lucrative sector in China. It fea- Anti-incinerator conflicts—just like EDCs more tures a mixture of state-owned enterprises, Chinese private broadly—are usefully analysed through the concept of companies, and multinational corporations and benefits environmental justice. This concept is premised upon the from preferential policies and tax breaks (Johnson 2017). assumption that “generalised social injustices are manifest Yet, there has been substantial opposition from communi- in environmental conditions, among other ways” (Schlos- ties that bear the brunt of incinerators detrimental to qual- berg 2013: 40). Early applications of an environmental jus- ity of life including, in some cases, public health (Balkan tice framework focused on the uneven distribution of toxic 2012). Through our on-going work on the EJ Atlas project, pollution to racial and ethnic minority and low-income we identified 54 anti-incinerator EDCs in China. Most of communities in the United States (see for instance Bullard these were identified through an internet search and from 1990). Since then, the concept has been applied to a growing information provided by Chinese environmental NGO activ- range of issues, including climate change and biodiversity ists. At time of writing, 11 cases had been entered into the conservation, and has encompassed aspects of recognition EJ Atlas database (http://ejatla s.org), a collaborative project and procedural justice (Schlosberg 2007; Sze and London whose participants collect and upload case studies of social 2008; Walker 2009). In addition, environmental justice conflict surrounding environmental issues from around the frameworks have increasingly been applied beyond West- world. These 11 cases are drawn from Beijing (Asuwei, ern liberal democracies (see, for example, McDonald 2002; Liulitun), Wuhan (Guodingshan), Guangdong Province Williams and Mawdsley 2006; Carruthers 2008; Özkaynak (Luoding, Likeng, Panyu, Boluo, Qingshuihe), Hangzhou et  al. 2015), although rarely so in the case of China (for (Yuhang), Fujian Province (Qingpuling), and Hebei Prov- exceptions see Lora-Wainwright 2017; Ma 2010; Xie 2011). ince (Panguanying). Contention over incinerators in these These studies show that the specific contexts in which envi - cases occurred between 2005 and 2014. In eight of these ronmental justice movements develop strongly impacts their cases, citizen opposition was aimed at preventing incinera- ability to trigger broader sustainability transformations tors from being constructed, whilst in three of the cases, (Martinez-Alier et al. 2016; Schneidel et al. 2018). In the citizens fought existing facilities. In seven of these cases, United States, for example, disparate campaigns in the foot- community activists forged links (albeit to varying degrees) steps of the infamous Love Canal case scaled up to become with Chinese environmental NGOs, particularly Beijing- a powerful environmental justice movement (Szasz 1994). based Nature University, discussed in more detail below. In This article contributes to the debate surrounding “why, more than half of the cases, communities had been suffering through whom, how, and when” EDCs result in social jus- from serious pollution for several years, mostly in the form tice and environmental sustainability (Scheidel et al. 2017) of landfills that existed long before the incinerators. And, through a detailed study of a Chinese anti-incinerator cam- seven of the cases resulted in the incinerators being relocated paign centred on the village of Panguanying in Hebei Prov- or indefinitely halted, and might, therefore, be considered ince. This EDC was notable, because more than any other “successful” cases for local residents. This high success rate case in our database, it transcended the local arena to raise is not representative of incinerator-related EDCs in China, bigger questions about environmental justice—particularly however. As Yongshun Cai (2010) has demonstrated, there in relation to public participation in siting decisions—and is often a positive relationship between media coverage of challenged the desirability of incineration more generally. contention and its likelihood of success, because media Crucial to this, was the (strategic) focus on procedural jus- reporting can expose local injustices to a wider audience tice and on legal avenues adopted by the key village cam- and compel higher levels to intervene to shore up regime paigners. This was facilitated by high levels of interaction between villagers and members of a Beijing-based network The city of Shenzhen is currently constructing the world’s biggest of environmental activists comprising NGO activists, legal waste-to-energy incinerator, which will burn 5,000 tonnes of waste professionals, academics and journalists, who visited the vil- every day (South China Morning Post 2011). The 2008 Trial Meas- lage and provided support. We know from interviews that ures on Environmental Information Disclosure enable citizens to apply for disclosure of certain types of information. the Panguanying case generated a particularly high level of 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 735 outsider support, which was partly due to the village’s prox- forums designed for information sharing between mem- imity to the capital and the perceived significance of the case bers; informal networks that may combine organisational according to urban activists. Networks have been analysed and individual members; and personal networks that exist as important organisational structures that can help further between individuals. environmental justice claims and facilitate EDCs, which play Although the diversity found in networks can be a source a crucial role in promoting sustainability transitions (Schlos- of strength, it can also create tension that undermines col- berg 1999; Scheidel et al. 2017). Recently, their importance lective action (Heyman 2011). Existing studies of environ- has been highlighted also in the Chinese context (see below mental activism have highlighted tension between the envi- for more details). In the case of Panguanying, we show how ronmentalism of the wealthy—sometimes linked to Ronald networking with actors beyond the village helped open legal Inglehart’s post-materialist thesis (Inglehart 1977), whereby channels otherwise beyond most ordinary villagers’ reach, people only start to care about the environment when they and brought the case to a wider audience. are not concerned with basic material needs—and the “envi- In line with environmental justice literature, the Pan- ronmentalism of the poor”, where conflicts are localised and guanying case shows how EDCs do not just arise out of rooted in the inequitable distribution of ecological costs and distribution of ecological harms, but also due to the uneven benefits (Guha and Martinez-Alier 2013). Scholarship has distribution of power and participation. Indeed, lack of eec ff - also illustrated potential and related tension between locally tive public participation and transparency are regularly con- focused campaigns often aimed at securing compensation tested in Chinese EDCs, and improving them is a key focus (or “weak sustainability”) and broader social movements of environmental NGO activity. In the Panguanying case, as concerned with “strong sustainability” and premised on the we shall see, campaigners uncovered evidence of system- value of the environment per se (see Martinez-Alier 1998, atic fraud concerning the public participation element of cited in; Scheidel et al. 2017). Harvey, for instance, viewed the environmental impact assessment (EIA). This discovery, the “militant particularism” of poor groups as a barrier to and the legal contestation surrounding it, was vital to the social movement formation (Harvey 1996), and Piller argued campaign’s success. Consequently, Chinese environmen- that mutual suspicion between NGOs and community activ- tal activists viewed Panguanying as an exemplary case in ists constrained network formation and scale shift (Piller highlighting widespread problems associated with the EIA 1991). process for waste incinerators and with limited public par- But, as the case of Panguanying will illustrate, diversity ticipation to a wider (national) audience. By transcending in aims and environmental discourses initially embraced is local specificities and shining a light on broader, systemic not always an obstacle; indeed, it can be transcended in pro- inadequacies, this case became instrumental in supporting ductive ways. Some studies have shown how broad, cross- “strong sustainability” (Scheidel et al. 2017). cultural coalitions that combine, or “hybridize”, different The next section reviews the social movement literature types of environmental discourse can bridge divides between on environmental networks, showing how this relates to campaigns (Pirkey 2012). Crucially, such encounters do not what we know about environmental activism in China. We simply involve a one-way transfer of resources from privi- then examine how and why Chinese urban environmental leged to poor (as a resource mobilisation approach might activists have started to forge links with grassroots commu- imply). Rather, new dynamics and understandings of issues nities faced with serious pollution threats. The substantive can form through “friction” (Tsing 2005) produced where body of the article presents a close and systematic analysis diverging groups and interests meet. For example, Gottlieb of the Panguanying case. Finally, in the “Discussion” and (2001) showed how tension between different manifesta- “Conclusion” sections, the article builds on this original data tions of environmental concern in the United States stimu- to elucidate the relationship between EDCs, environmental lated the adoption of new tactics and concerns, resulting in justice, and sustainability transitions in China. the rejuvenation of an environmental movement viewed as overly centralised, hierarchical, and lacking diversity (see also Schlosberg 1999). Environmental networks China’s political and social context diverges significantly from countries that have been the subject of most environ- Environmental networks are manifested in a multitude of mental justice scholarship, including the United States. different forms, ranging from enduring, formal alliances, to For many years, environmental protection was relegated to “temporary coalitions” between environmental organisations secondary importance behind economic development. In and “not in my backyard” (NIMBY) campaigners (Saunders the past decade, however, environmental issues have risen 2013: 28). In the Chinese context, Wells-Dang (2012) dis- up the political agenda and now form a crucial element of tinguishes between four network types: formal “coalitions” officials’ evaluation processes (Kostka 2015). The Minis- featuring hierarchical structures and large memberships; try of Environmental Protection (and its predecessor, the 1 3 736 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 State Environmental Protection Administration), has found involved in a campaign against construction of an incinerator common ground with environmental activists committed at Asuwei in Beijing. They highlight the large discrepancy in to improving environmental governance within China’s capabilities and resources between these two groups, which one-party system (Johnson 2014). This includes efforts to resulted in limited cooperation, and advocate closer links promote greater public participation and transparency as between communities and environmental NGOs in future a means to hold local officials accountable for not follow - (Tan and Ren 2017). In contrast, we show how community ing environmental laws and regulations. Despite this, many and NGO activists worked together closely in the Panguany- party-state officials remain ambivalent at best to environ- ing case. mental activists, fearing that they may undermine local eco- Whilst existing analyses present a significant step for - nomic growth or social stability. ward in identifying potential crossovers between weak and Initially, studies on environmentalism in China also strong sustainability and highlighting the complex inter- examined quests for weak and strong sustainability as actions between a range of actors, few studies, in Chinese though they existed in separation. One group of studies on or English, have examined the dynamics of environmental the latter (strong sustainability) has focused on “environ- networks in China. Most studies of environmental activism mentalist” NGOs (Johnson 2010), particularly in relation to that aims to prevent construction of potentially polluting the issues of nature conservation (Economy 2004; Sun and projects focus on case studies in urban areas (e.g., Chen Zhao 2008) and anti-hydropower campaigning (Liu 2013; 2012; Lang and Xu 2013; Johnson 2013). One exception, a Mertha 2008), and in terms of their relationships with the study by Bondes and Johnson (2017) which also examines Party-state (Ho and Edmonds 2008). Meanwhile, another the Panguanying case, pays attention to networks but does body of work has examined how ordinary citizens respond to not explain in detail how they formed, or explicitly examine localised pollution (Jing 2000; Lora-Wainwright 2017; Stern their potential contribution to sustainability transitions. 2013; Tilt 2010; Van Rooij 2010; Van Rooij et al. 2012), The Panguanying case requires and enables a different how grassroots communities play a role in conservation type of analysis from these previous studies, one that com- efforts (Coggins 2003; Hathaway 2013; Herrold-Menzies bines attention to grassroots sensibilities (in this case, those 2009), and about how communities in ethnic minority areas of the villagers), the networks that they became part of, and engage with environmental issues (Yeh 2009). Together, the ways in which they intersected and interacted. These these two groups of studies have (sometimes only implicitly) encounters did not engender tensions but rather the grad- shown how activism occurs at different points on a spectrum ual transcendence of the campaign’s significance from the bookended by “embedded in the state” NGOs on the one locality itself to a broader anti-incineration network, as their hand (Ho and Edmonds 2008), and rural pollution victims, aims converged. Conversely, our article documents mutual who are often “isolated” from intermediary support, on the feedback between local campaigners and a wide spectrum other (Van Rooij 2010). of urban activists (see Martinez-Alier et al. 2014). The lan- While early studies of Chinese environmental activism guage, focus and strategies used by village-based campaign- often made ENGOs their unit of analysis, recent work has ers drew from insights they gleaned from other successful focused more on individual activists and networks. Such urban campaigns, but their success also provided crucial studies have examined activists’ participation in transna- support to the agenda of professional environmentalists and tional and regional networks (Wells-Dang 2012; Hathaway environmental lawyers. The case also furnished lessons 2013; Wu 2013), and how they forge mutually beneficial about the importance of public participation and procedural connections with elites, particularly those within the Party- justice in the quest for strong sustainability. state (Ho and Edmonds 2008; Spires 2011). Mertha (2008) Our analysis below is based on in-depth interviews with showed how China’s highly fragmented policy-making key members of the urban environmental network that we process provided a structural opportunity for the forma- conducted periodically between 2012 and 2017. We also tion of anti-hydropower coalitions involving state and non- visited Panguanying on several occasions between 2012 and state actors (Mertha 2008). Wells-Dang (2012), who also 2016. Johnson interviewed several key village-based cam- examined anti-hydropower campaigning in China, similarly paigners in 2012 after learning about the case from Zhao focused on the role of “urban elites”. The crucial role that Zhangyuan, a retired Chinese Academy of Sciences pro- elite allies can play in environmental contention in China has fessor and outspoken critic of incineration who had visited also prominently featured in the Chinese literature including Panguanying previously to offer support to villagers (more in relation to anti-incinerator campaigns (e.g., Guo and Chen details below). In 2013, all three co-authors went to Pan- 2011), but little research has been done on the dynamics of guanying to conduct further interviews with key campaign- network formation between elites and community activists. ers. We employed a snowballing technique and interviewed One partial exception is Tan and Ren’s (2017) comparison of several other villagers involved in the campaign. However, an environmental NGO and a community action group both our efforts to interview a wider range of villagers including 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 737 some who may not have been directly involved in the case environmental activism. An organisation in its own right, were undermined when local officials in Panguanying told us Nature University has also become a hub, or “clearing to cease our fieldwork there. While, as a Chinese researcher, house”, for environmentalists in Beijing, for example, Lu was able to carry out follow-up research and interview a through holding regular seminars on environmental issues. wider range of stakeholders, particularly through employing Nature University has begun offering help to communities the help of students, Johnson and Lora-Wainwright had to contesting waste incinerators and other forms of pollution. abandon plans for subsequent e fi ldwork and limit themselves Once contact with a local community is established, Nature to interviews with a small number of key villagers who met University sends staff members to the site with journalists with us in a nearby city. Our analysis is also based on more and other “people who care about the issue”. A key aim than 40 documents, including petition letters and court deci- of this approach is to attract external publicity, or, in other sions, which we obtained from leading village activists. words, to transcend the local context. This serves two main purposes—pressurizing officials into resolving problems through attracting the attention of higher levels and the Pathways to network formation: the urban wider public, and protecting local activists from retribu- perspective tion at the hands of local officials. Instead of advocating disruptive tactics sometimes associated with NIMBY (not Informal networking, based on personal as opposed to insti- in my backyard) campaigns, Nature University encourages tutional linkages, is increasingly recognized as an important communities to utilize “legal weapons” as fully as possi- feature of China’s environmental movement (Wells-Dang ble. For example, in another anti-incinerator case at Hai’an 2012). Beijing is a key hub in this regard. It is home to an in Jiangsu Province, Nature University helped villager Xie informal environmental network (hereinafter referred to as Yong, whose son Xie Yongkang was born with cerebral the “Beijing environmental network”) comprising NGO palsy. Xie Yong blamed this on the incinerator located only staff, journalists, lawyers, and academics that has advo- a couple of hundred metres from his home. Nature Univer- cated, among other things, greater environmental transpar- sity helped Xie Yong contact the Centre of Legal Assistance ency, public participation, and more sustainable solutions to for Pollution Victims (CLAPV), which represented him in China’s waste challenge. an unsuccessful lawsuit against the incinerator company. Whilst Chinese NGOs were previously believed to shun Throughout this process, Nature University also helped Xie links with pollution victims (Ho and Edmonds 2008), in and his fellow villagers (unsuccessfully) apply for disclosure recent years, Beijing environmental network members have of the incinerator’s pollution data to use as legal evidence. reached out to local communities opposed to incinerators As of May 2013, Nature University had filed up to twenty and other forms of pollution. Steinhardt and Wu (2016) such requests, and sued the Guangzhou Municipal Govern- claim that media commercialisation and the spread of the ment when it refused to disclose information about the city’s internet and social media, declining risks associated with Likeng incinerator. protest, and improved NGO capacity have all facilitated this Aside from helping pollution victims, Nature University growing collaboration between policy advocates and protes- and other activists involved in the Beijing Environmental tors. In addition, we find that this development was partly Network have a more normative goal. In the early 2000s, due to frustration among certain environmental activists China’s Ministry of Environmental Protection (MEP) intro- concerning NGOs’ lack of community engagement, which duced policies to stimulate public participation and trans- was part of their “self-imposed censorship” deemed neces- parency, including in the EIA process (Johnson 2014). In sary for organisational survival in China’s one-party-state helping local residents assert their “right to information, (Ho and Edmonds 2008). In the words of one NGO leader, right to supervision, right to participation” (zhiqing quan, “my biggest gripe was that NGOs didn’t dare to engage with jiandu quan, canyu quan), network members hope to pro- real issues” (NGOs bu gan jieru xianshi). Another impor- mote a more participatory form of environmental govern- tant development was the state’s promotion of governance ance, which addresses the root causes of problems that cause reforms nominally designed to empower the public to hold EDCs in the first place. As one NGO leader put it: polluters to account (Johnson 2010). By focusing on pro- We aim to play the role of mediator and be a com- cedural deficiencies including perceived lack of official munication bridge [between the public and the gov- transparency and public consultation, urban middle class ernment]… We hope that, after an ignorant appeal protestors shared similar ground with NGOs, yet the latter remained largely disconnected from protests (Johnson 2010). In this context, environmental journalist Feng Yongfeng established the NGO Nature University (Ziran Daxue), 2 The 2008 Trial Measures on Environmental Information Disclosure which has pioneered a more “grassroots” approach to enable citizens to apply for disclosure of certain types of information. 1 3 738 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 (bu ming bu bai de shangfang), we can examine why 2009, with the project having been approved “in principle” the appeal was ignorant, how to enable public partici- by various local government departments, inspection trips pation, and how to resolve this problem. We need to to other incinerators operated by Weiming, the private com- return to the situation before the appeal took place, pany in charge of constructing and operating the Panguany- and see whether this project can continue. If it can ing incinerator, were arranged. Although the Hebei Provin- continue, should there be more compensation? Should cial Environmental Protection Bureau (EPB) subsequently the site be changed? Is there a need to improve super- claimed that these visits had successfully dispelled any fears vision of the facility? Only if these issues are properly concerning incineration that residents might have had, par- addressed can these NIMBY cases result in a gradual ticipants only comprised a handful of local officials who improvement (emphasis added). were likely to approve of the project or at least not oppose it. The only village representative included on these trips Another strand of Nature University’s work involves was Panguanying Party Secretary Qiao Yanli, who had been enabling pollution activists to share their experiences and accused of corruption and was deeply unpopular amongst a to network with similar people from other locations. For significant portion of villagers. example, in 2012, a workshop was held on “NIMBY cases in The Panguanying incinerator only became common China” that resulted in an NGO report documenting over 20 knowledge in mid-April 2009 when Qiao led a group such “NIMBY” cases. The recent popularisation of social of workers to measure the land for the project. He was media and micro blogging—especially Weibo—has also approached by Pan Zuofu, a member of one of Panguany- facilitated communication between grassroots communities ing’s “teams” (the smallest administrative designation which and urban activists (Bondes and Johnson 2017). Through refers to a sub-village unit), which controlled 14 mu (a little this, otherwise “isolated” (Van Rooij 2010: 76), activists less than a hectare) of farmland designated for the incinera- become networked into a broader activist community where tor. Pan Zuofu became involved in a heated discussion about they can share knowledge and experience. One NGO inform- compensation levels, which he found thoroughly inadequate. ant described Weibo as a “small command centre” (xiaoxing Qiao retored that, with higher levels backing the incinerator zhihuibu) that serves as a platform for sharing information project, any resistance would be “futile”. and breaking issues out of local confines. Pan Zuofu enlisted support from his uncle Pan Qing- Network formation between urban and rural activists wen, who belonged to the same farming team and whose is not just a top–down process. It is contingent upon sev- interests were, therefore, also under threat, as well as other eral local level factors, including grassroots leadership. We sympathetic villagers. They appealed at multiple levels examine these factors next through a case study of the Pan- via the letters and visits (xinfang) system that provides an guanying anti-incinerator campaign. institutionalised channel through which citizens can lodge complaints against officials, claiming that the land expro- priation was illegal and that the decision-making process The Panguanying anti‑incinerator campaign contained procedural flaws. They claimed that their land was “basic farmland” (jiben nongtian), and not, as local offi- In 2008, the Qinhuangdao Municipal Government decided to cials claimed yuandi (literally, “garden land”). This mattered construct a waste incinerator in the village of Panguanying, because according to Chinese law expropriation of the for- approximately 35 km away from the city yet only 200 metres mer requires central government approval whilst the latter from the nearest homes. Villagers were excluded from the does not. However, local officials rebuffed the men’s com- decision-making process and denied even the most basic plaints, and the Hebei EPB approved the project’s EIA in information about the project. Instead they were viewed as May 2009, allowing construction to begin. Undeterred, the potential obstacles to be overcome rather than as partici- villagers repeatedly contacted the National Land Resources pants in the decision-making process. The decision-making Ministry, which in September 2009 compelled the local process was deliberately structured to guarantee support county government to halt the project until proper proce- from village leaders and neutralize potential opposition dures related to the land issue had been followed. Shortly from local people through denying them a voice. Although thereafter those procedures were completed and construc- local officials advertised a public comment period in line tion resumed. with EIA Law requirements, they did this through placing small notices in the county government, which were not seen (and not meant to be seen) by villagers. Then, in early One key stakeholder that we interviewed insisted that officials had covertly altered the land designation from basic agricultural land to On file with the authors. yuandi in order that these procedures could be completed. 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 739 problem’s resolution. In response, the MEP called for the Reframing opposition: from land to health project’s suspension pending further investigation, and the planned incinerator was later relocated (Johnson 2013). The incinerator issue was soon reframed from a land dis- pute involving a handful of affected villagers to a major Reflecting on the Half Hour Economy episode, one lead- ing campaign participant said, public health issue. First, a villager formerly employed as an environmental protection officer for a local paper mill Lots of national experts said that it’s best to keep warned that burning waste could cause the release of diox- incinerators to a minimum because they are harmful ins, a harmful pollutant. Then, on 1 September 2009, China to health… We subsequently saw the [Liulitun report], Central Television (CCTV) aired an episode of Half Hour and downloaded it from the Internet…we saw that Economy (Jingji Ban Xiaoshi) entitled Dioxins are Tor- Liulitun residents had filed a lawsuit, and there was a menting China (Er’eying Kunrao Zhongguo). A major lawyer, Xia Jun. We decided to also contact a lawyer, international conference on dioxins had recently been held because [in relation to the Liulitun Report] we can’t in Beijing, where several recent anti-incinerator protests write this kind of thing, we don’t understand environ- motivated in part by fears concerning dioxin emissions mental law, so we contacted Xia Jun. had occurred (Johnson 2013). The Half Hour Economy episode dramatized the link between dioxins and cancer, In June 2010, Panguanying campaigners produced their own ten-page report. It resembled the Liulitun document, and interviewed Professor Zhao Zhangyuan. The episode also featured interviews with anti-incinerator campaigners including scientific assertions that incinerators pose a health hazard and claims that, by excluding the public, the siting from Liulitun, a Beijing suburb where residents had been opposing a planned incinerator since 2006. Through this, decision contravened laws and regulations. Then, in sum- mer 2010, the Pans travelled to Beijing to meet with Zhao Panguanying villagers discovered that other communities were also struggling against incinerators. Importantly, the Zhangyuan and Xia Jun. Both men, together with several Nature University activists, subsequently visited Panguany- realization that the incinerator could threaten public health inspired a third villager, Pan Zhizhong, to join the campaign. ing to provide technical information about the dangers of incineration and advise the Pans about how to contest the He distributed copies of Dioxins are Tormenting China and other materials from the internet to local people to raise incinerator. Lawyer Xia agreed to represent the villagers, and in September 2010 helped them file an administrative awareness. This resulted in 1500 villagers (from Panguany- ing and surrounding villages) signing a petition against the review application challenging the Hebei EPB’s decision to approve the incinerator project’s EIA on five grounds: incinerator (Shang 2013). Pan Zhizhong then visited every village within a 5-km radius of the incinerator site and col- The project had not been included in municipal govern- lected handwritten statements from 37 village heads express- ing opposition to the project. ment plans; The project contravened national government policies, The Liulitun case strongly influenced Panguanying vil - lagers. There, campaigners had articulated persuasive, facts- including protection of groundwater and arable land, and of a nearby scenic zone; based arguments against the incinerator project (Johnson 2013). Liulitun residents produced a detailed 44-page report There was no evidence about how dioxin emissions would be kept within safe standards; [hereinafter referred to as the “Liulitun Report”] outlining their rationale and strategies for opposing the incinerator, The EIA did not consider, among other things, incinera- tor sludge and ash treatment, and monitoring of dioxins; and uploaded it to the internet. They also fully utilised legal channels, challenging the project based on errors in the sit- The EIA violated the law because public opinion wasn’t solicited and there was insufficient information disclo- ing process such as factual mistakes and lack of public par- ticipation (Johnson 2013). They did this through hiring envi- sure. ronmental lawyer Xia Jun, who helped campaigners contest the project’s EIA through an administrative review applica- The MEP accepted the administrative review application but ultimately upheld the EPB’s decision. Villagers contin- tion. They also peacefully surrounded MEP headquarters in Beijing on World Environment Day 2007 to demand the ued to file administrative reviews into other aspects of the case, including the land designation issue, yet these efforts were also rebuffed. Then, in 2011, again with Xia’s help, they filed an administrative litigation lawsuit at the Shiji- The online link to this programme no longer works. It is possible azhuang Qiaoxi District People’s Court against the Hebei to find an abridged, five-minute version on the Internet (available at http://my.tv.sohu.com/us/52230 36/36287 61.shtml ). After coming under pressure from the Township government, two village heads revoked their complaints (Shang 2013). On file with the authors. 1 3 740 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 EPB’s decision to approve the EIA. The case was accepted The aftermath: negotiating a stalemate and both sides submitted evidence in advance of the court case. During that process, villagers stumbled on a discovery Whilst the halting of the incinerator project was regarded that transformed the case. as a major victory for campaigners, the half-built structure still literally and figuratively loomed over the village. Cam- Fraudulent public participation: the smoking gun paigners worried that the EIA would be rectified, allowing the project to resume as planned. Rather than claiming an The China Meteorological Association (Qixiang Ju) (CMA) outright victory then, campaigners’ efforts had resulted in had conducted the EIA. In evidence submitted to the MEP an uneasy stalemate (jiangju). during the 2010 administrative review process, the provin- The Hebei EPB’s revoking of the EIA did not, there- cial EPB claimed results from 100 questionnaires issued to fore, spell an end to the EDC. In March 2011, villagers local residents as part of the EIA process indicated “strong challenged the MEP to hold the CMA accountable for the public support” (jun tongyi) for the project. Residents sus- shoddy EIA, and attempted to sue the MEP when it refused pected foul play, but lacked evidence to verify their suspi- to do so. However, the court case was not accepted. Several cions. Amazingly, however, this changed when, during the Beijing-based NGOs were also committed to improving the evidence-collecting period for the administrative litigation performance of units conducting EIAs. For example, after lawsuit, the plaintiffs obtained the full EIA report from discovering similar problems with public consultation for the EPB. According to Xia Jun, the court was known to be another EIA—also conducted by the CMA—in relation to relatively strict, and would likely not allow either side to the Sujiatuo incinerator in suburban Beijing, five NGOs add evidence after proceedings began. He speculated that issued an open letter calling for the CMA’s licence for con- this explained why the EPB, perhaps unaware of any prob- ducting EIAs to be stripped. This call was not heeded. Vil- lems with the EIA, submitted the full version as evidence. lagers also challenged Weiming’s application to conduct After obtaining the EIA, the anti-incinerator campaigners an initial public offering (IPO). Companies are required quickly determined that the questionnaire survey had been to obtain approval from the MEP before launching an IPO completely falsified, providing them with an incontrovert- to prevent highly polluting companies from being listed; ible “smoking gun” that proved procedural malpractice. For Weiming had requested MEP approval in December 2010. example, some survey responses had been attributed to vil- Villagers claimed that the fraudulent EIA rendered Weim- lagers who had died or left the village long ago. The 64 ing unfit to launch its IPO. However, the MEP announced “respondents” still living in the village denied participating that, because the IPO application had occurred before the in the survey. They signed statements indicating that they problems with the Panguanying case emerged, Weiming was opposed the incinerator, and that the questionnaires were eligible to proceed with its IPO. These examples highlight fake. Upon receiving this news, villagers notified Nature the difficulties associated with translating local case-based University, which wrote to the MEP and contacted a Phoenix issues into wider struggles. Weekly journalist who visited Panguanying and reported on Back in Panguanying, in 2012, Pan Zhizhong stood for the case (Bondes and Johnson 2017). election as village head after villagers had forced Qiao Yanli Evidence concerning the fake questionnaires proved to step down. Pan believed that this would enable him to decisive in stopping construction of the incinerator for a deal a fatal blow to the project. Several environmental activ- second time. In March 2011, the Hebei EPB halted the pro- ists went to Panguanying to witness the election and offer ject and announced that it would not approve any EIAs in protection to Pan, who was coming under severe pressure Qinhuangdao until the new incinerator EIA had been passed from pro-incinerator forces. However, this election, and a with proper public consultation. On 27 May, the Hebei EPB subsequent one, was disrupted by local thug allegedly linked officially revoked the EIA, and 2 weeks later the court con- to Township officials, leaving the village without a head for firmed that villagers had withdrawn their lawsuit. As of several years. October 2017, construction has not resumed, and villagers In late 2012, in a clear signal that they wanted to resume employed by Weiming to watch over the half-built incinera- the project following 2 years of inaction, Weiming attempted tor have begun to cultivate vegetables again within its walls. to negotiate with Pan Zhizhong and Pan Zuofu. The two men agreed to have lunch with Weiming representatives, during which Pan Zhizhong reasserted his intention to stand for vil- lage head and oppose the incinerator (Shang 2013). Weiming also invited members of the environmental network—includ- ing Mao Da, Chen Liwen, Feng Yongfeng, Zhao Zhangy- 8 uan, and Xia Jun—to visit an incinerator in Jiangsu Prov- See http://news.ifeng .com/fhzk/detai l_2011_03/01/49057 32_0.shtml . ince, which they accepted. However, scope for cooperation 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 741 between the two sides was limited. When Weiming asked public participation is being incorrectly carried out, Mao Da if network members could mediate between it and so that when other places build something they have the villagers, he insisted that the format should be a waste to consider public participation, obtain everyone’s management forum where all issues could be openly debated agreement. We don’t want money, we’re interested and covered by the media. However, Weiming refused, and in justice. mediation failed, leaving the issue unresolved. Similarly, despite limited opportunities for networking with other communities, leading campaigners in the Pan- guanying case publicly shunned the “NIMBY” label and Discussion acknowledged the wider (strong) sustainability issues con- cerning waste management. One campaigner stated that he Several factors contributed to the formation of a loose net- wanted the half-built incinerator to be transformed into an work between village-based activists and a range of anti- environmental protection museum. And, in August 2017, incineration activists and experts, which in turn enabled a Nature University activist involved in the Panguanying the case to transcend its local significance and become case revealed she was discussing the possibility of using regarded as a ‘classic’ case that activists could learn from. the village as a site for a pilot project in waste reduction Most basically, local campaigners’ focus on participation and sorting with residents. Overall, as the Panguanying and procedural justice allowed their interests to merge case shows, resorting to discourses of sustainability and with those of professional anti-incineration campaigners. justice serves as an increasingly desirable strategy for local Framing environmental justice claims in the language of campaigners to avoid the stigmatised NIMBY label. It also procedural justice is a well-practiced strategy for Chinese strengthens opportunities for collaboration with urban- environmental activists, and belongs to a broader tendency based, professional environmentalists including Beijing to depoliticise environmental politics (Ho and Edmonds anti-incineration network members. Conversely, members 2008). Indeed, much contention in China relies upon of the network performed the role of ‘elite allies’ shining a identifying and drawing attention to misimplementation spotlight on the village and exposing official malfeasance. of laws and regulations and taking advantage of cleavages The charisma and strength of character of the people within the state (O’Brien and Li 2006). Official state sup- involved are crucial to the survival of any campaign, let port for public consultation in relation to siting decisions alone its success and the possibility of networking with other enabled villagers to challenge the project on procedural campaigners. Although Pan Qingwen was incapacitated by a grounds, since they had not been adequately consulted. stroke early in the campaign, Pan Zhizhong and Pan Zuofu This was also vital in supporting the development of this resolutely maintained their opposition. This incurred a high rural–urban anti-incineration network. Legal reforms personal cost. They were threatened by local thugs and Pan promoting public participation are enabling NGOs to out- Zuofu’s windows were smashed. Local officials also (unsuc- grow their reliance on personal connections with party- cessfully) attempted to persuade the three men to drop their state officials, or, in Ho and Edmonds’ (2008) words, their campaign through applying pressure through relational ties, “embeddedness” and to work more closely with affected something that Deng and O’Brien (2013) refer to as “rela- communities. Contingent political circumstances also pre- tional repression”. For example, one county leader alleg- sented a timely opportunity: activists attributed the Shi- edly contacted Pan Zhizhong through a relative, and offered jiazhuang court decision in favour of the villagers to the him alternative accommodation outside of the village. Pan prior departure of the Provincial EPB Head. This meant Zuofu’s cousin, a civil servant, advised him against con- that the EIA approval could be suspended without causing tinuing his opposition. But, both men refused to listen to him to lose face. these offers/threats. Meanwhile, the Qinhuangdao Govern- Closely related to this convergence of focus is a con- ment offered to find work for Pan Qingwen’s five daughters, vergence of language between village activists and profes- and to pay for treatment for his sick wife—he also refused sional environmentalists who collaborated with them. Very this offer. When Pan Qingwen’s application for minimum much in this vein, village-based campaigners in Panguany- living guarantee was turned down, his daughters claimed ing adopted some of the discourses of justice and recogni- that it was because of his involvement in the anti-incinerator tion employed by members of the Beijing anti-incineration campaign. network. For example, one villager stated that: Opportunities for contact and mutual learning were When we sued the government, we didn’t want central to supporting and protecting village-based activ- money, we wanted accountability. Even if they give ists, and in turn to the formation of this rural–urban net- me one Yuan, I don’t mind, as long as the govern- work. Technology and infrastructure played a key role in ment loses. We can ring an alarm bell in China, that this regard. The proximity to Beijing (2 h by high-speed 1 3 742 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 rail), facilitated several face-to-face interactions between one of the leading campaigners to ask rhetorically “are we villagers and ENGO activists. The media, particularly the not people too?” CCTV documentary, was also instrumental in supporting In contrast, professional environmentalists seek to use the rural–urban network. First and foremost, it made villag- grassroots cases to shape an ambivalent and contested ers realise that theirs was not an isolated struggle. Second, regulatory landscape (Van Rooij et al. 2016). For example, it sounded alarm bells about the potential health effects of Xia Jun had a vested interest in promoting the resolution incineration in their vicinity, enabling their opposition to of environmental disputes via legal means to expand the go beyond initial economistic concerns about loss of land role of lawyers in environmental governance. Recounting and livelihood and to include concerns with health too. The a conversation with Peking University law professor Wang latter provided a crucial shared ground with professional Jin, he stated, activists. Third, it provided a roadmap for their opposition to we had been discussing law and public participation, the incinerator based on the experience of Liulitun campaign we wanted to find some cases, then [the Panguany - and allowed them to identify and contact potential allies ing] case came along, it was very “classic” (dianx- (such as lawyer Xia Jun). ing).” I asked him why can’t lawyers help construc- While the formation and persistence of environmental tors [of projects with potential environmental impact] networks requires and fosters some shared ground between with [conducting] public participation, which has been the parties involved, it does not necessarily entail that they very problematic? But we feel it’s difficult, because should share all their aims. Village campaigners were not the MEP and EPBs tend to reject lawyers, they think primarily concerned with the kind of normative govern- that the EIA system can handle everything, including ance goals prioritised by Beijing Environmental Network legal service. We didn’t have a good example case to members. As one NGO activist with close ties to the case show our perspective. But the Panguanying case was commented, “[the villagers] just want to pull this project one such case, it’s very classic, down to the level of down once and for all”. In addition, apart from focusing on fabrication [of the questionnaires], there was serious procedural issues, Panguanying villagers also framed their illegality. grievances in the language of distribution and recognition. This was evident in their ten-page report, the final section Similarly, a Nature University staff member repeatedly of which was titled “Common People’s Opinions” (Baix- suggested that Panguanying was a good “case” (anzi) from ing Yijian). It drew a sharp distinction between urban areas which to learn and for highlighting shortcomings in the EIA as producers of waste that were being beautified, and rural process and encourage other communities to also use legal areas as dumping grounds populated by irrelevant and dis- channels to resolve EDCs. One of the main goals of urban posable people. One passage stated that, activists is to raise societal awareness by enabling cases to enter the public sphere (jinru shehui de shijiao). The story Villagers aren’t a group of fools, we also know to of the faked questionnaires was highly newsworthy. Several stand up and fight when our survival is threatened. media outlets, including the People’s Daily, reported on the Waste incineration came about because of cities. It fake questionnaires in an article entitled “EIA Unit Actu- cleaned city spaces whilst polluting vulnerable villag- ally Engages in This Kind of Forgery” (Huanping jigou jing ers. Almost every aspect [of incinerators sited in rural zheyang zaojia) after environmental activists tipped them areas] affects nearby villagers’ livelihoods, sacrificing off, and Zhao Zhangyuan wrote a blistering criticism of the their health in the short term to alleviate the waste project’s EIA process. In addition, Pan Zhizhong and Pan problems that accompany urban development… We Zuofu have participated in seminars organised by Beijing also want to survive, we also want environmental pro- activists. The first time this happened was in 2010, after Xia tection, and we also want to live with dignity. Jun introduced the case to other network members. The two Villagers’ examination of official documents concerning men travelled to Beijing and shared their story with activists the siting decision revealed that Panguanying was chosen, and other people fighting against pollution. In 2013, shortly because it was downwind from urban (chengzhen) areas after our field visit, the two men participated in a small con- and “some distance” (yiding juli) from residential areas, ference in Beijing on “NIMBY in China”, organised by the which was desirable in limiting “disturbance” (ganrao). Yet, NGO Nature University. Their story was written up, along according to villagers, almost 30,000 rural residents lived with 20 other cases, and included in the conference pro- within five kilometres of the incinerator site. This prompted ceedings. Participation by local campaigners in such events For more information on the mixed motives of environmental law- yers, see Stern 2013 Chap. 6. http://zhaoz hangy uan.blog.sohu.com/16552 1477.html. 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 743 organised by brokers and urban professional activists is cen- to public participation in siting disputes, something viewed tral to the establishment and strengthening of networks. as an endemic issue in China. An important way in which individual, local campaigns Rural–urban networks like the one which emerged around become scaled up to broader significance is in their role as Panguanying’s incinerator can go far beyond environmen- precedents. Several precedents were set in the Panguany- tal issues in challenging multiple forms of domination ing case, including the release of the full EIA report and (Schlosberg 1999). In the Panguanying case, the battle for the decision to revoke the EIA approval after the discovery recognition was rooted in the wider issue of citizenship and of malpractice in relation to the solicitation of public com- participation. These features of environmental justice are ments. Given that public participation requirements are fre- closely linked—as Schlosberg (2007: 25) noted, “if you are quently overlooked—something that is not helped by weakly not recognized, you do not participate; if you do not par- worded legislation—Nature University, Xia Jun and other ticipate, you are not recognized”. Decision makers strived network members hoped that this case could highlight this to render villagers invisible—they were not informed of the problem and stimulate broader institutional reforms. project and were completely excluded from the decision- Whilst the network analysed in this article contributed making process, culminating in the forged questionnaires. crucially to the relatively “successful” conclusion of this By fabricating locals’ approval, the EIA attempted to silence case from the activists’ perspective, it was not the only fac- villagers while pretending that they had in fact been given a tor. Panguanying’s proximity to Beijing, just two hours away voice. Conversely, efforts by village campaigners and their by train, facilitated the involvement of environmental activ- allies in Beijing aimed to unmask injustices, both in terms ists and the media in this case. There was also an element of the lack of recognition of villagers’ views and potential of luck—for example, the EPB’s decision to hand over the effects on their health and livelihoods. entire EIA report came as a surprise to Xia Jun (Bondes and In discussing the potential for EDCs to contribute to Johnson 2017). And, one NGO activist who had participated strong sustainability, Scheidel et  al. (2017) differentiate in the case told us that waste disposal was not a particularly between intermodal and intramodal conflicts. The for- pressing issue in the region, and that local officials were, mer emerge within an established pattern of resource use therefore, not in a rush to construct an incinerator, something between different social groups, whereas the latter defends which contributed to the stalemate described above. Finally, a particular mode of resource use against industrial society’s the courage and determination of key village activists cannot attempts to transform it. The Panguanying case straddled be underestimated. All of these factors contributed to the these two categories. On the one hand, the village campaign- outcome in this case. ers’ primary goal was to prevent an incinerator being con- structed in Panguanying, indicating an intermodal conflict. Yet, in doing so, they became increasingly aware about the Conclusion dangers of incineration in general, and about shortcomings in the EIA process that robbed them of any agency. This Let us return to one of the questions leading this special intramodal aspect of the Panguanying case was also influ- issue: “why, through whom, how and when” do EDCs result enced by strategic imperatives and by urban activists whose in social justice and environmental sustainability (Scheidel concerns about incineration and environmental governance et al. 2017) considering the Panguanying case and the net- went far beyond the village itself. Engagement of activists work which formed around it. Rural–urban environmental such as the Pans can be both inter and intramodal, depending networks like the one surrounding Panguanying are a new on the context—the two are not mutually exclusive. form of movement organising in China. Schlosberg (1999: The Panguanying case is an instance in which an EDC 142) argued that “networks expand the notion of environ- supports sustainability. This is not because the incinerator mental locality, as they expose the similarities shared by is on hold, but rather because it raises questions about the communities in disparate places”. Similarly, in the Pan- failings of the EIA process and engages with the question guanying case, their most crucial effect is enabling what of incineration safety and desirability as a whole. Their began as a place-based EDC to transcend the local level, proponents claim that waste incinerators represent a clean giving it wider significance and potential to become a prec- and efficient way of handling waste, and are preferable to edent for subsequent campaigns. From the view point of landfill. Yet, studies have cast doubt on this in China due to local activists, the rural–urban network amplified their voice concerns that incinerators are not managed or regulated to and helped them challenge unjust decisions. Conversely, high enough standards (Johnson 2013). One rare study of this network served the interests of professional activists emissions from 19 Chinese incinerators found considerable by creating wider public debate surrounding the misimple- variation, with some achieving EU standards and others fail- mentaion of environmental regulations, mainly in relation ing to meet much laxer national standards (Ni et al. 2009). By becoming an exemplary case trumpeted by professional 1 3 744 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 activists and the media, Panguanying highlighted serious Environmental networks face obstacles both against hori- problems with the EIA process and showed how the rights zontal expansion (forging links between affected communi- and interests of vulnerable populations can be overlooked ties) and vertical expansion (between professional activists by planners. And as of late 2017, Nature University activists and affected communities) (Bondes and Johnson 2017). were in discussion with Panguanying residents about using Regarding the latter, whilst the MEP introduced regulations the village as a pilot site for a rural waste reduction and sort- to increase the scope of non-state involvement, in the Pan- ing project. At least three other cases in our sample—Aobei, guanying case, it repeatedly turned a deaf ear to villagers’ Liulitun and Panyu—also resulted in community efforts in appeals, choosing instead to side with local officials. Even waste sorting and reduction (Johnson 2013). The case, there- when the CMA had been guilty of serious wrongdoing on fore, supports Scheidel et al. (2017) argument that environ- more than one occasion, the MEP did not take formal dis- mental justice success can support wider efforts to improve ciplinary action against it. The state’s ambivalence towards sustainability. non-state actors (Stern 2013)—even when they have legiti- Despite Panguanying case’s significance, the prospects mate demands—limits the potential for improvements in for a scaling-up of anti-incinerator activism in China are environmental governance within a one-party system. This is highly constrained. The professional activist community is unfortunate, especially given that elite allies such as NGOs, small and lacks resources. More importantly, the party-state journalists and lawyers help soften the boundaries between maintains a strong aversion to linked up activism, particu- state and society and generally view their role as mediators larly between disparate affected communities, that may chal- instead of agitators. lenge its monopoly on political power. Hence, whilst there As Temper et al. (2018) argue, EDCs can result in the appears to be strong demand among grassroots and activ- creation of new norms and institutional structures that alter ist communities for a strong environmental justice move- power relations resulting in “transformations to sustainabil- ment based on incinerators and other pollution problems, ity”. This happens when EDCs coalesce into bigger move- the prospects for this materialising appear bleak. The vast ments that “question the broader structures causing envi- majority of EDCs will likely remain rooted in local power ronmental injustices” and whose approach “is often radical struggles. Yet, as the early stages of the Panguanying cam- and broad-minded” (Scheidel et al. 2017). In China, any paign showed, materials related to other communities’ EDC such transformations are most likely to occur when there experiences are still readily accessible through the Inter- is strong cooperation between state and non-state actors. net. These discourses, which are rooted in broader concerns Whilst a form of “depoliticised” (Ho and Edmonds 2008) about the regulation and governance of environmental risks, environmental activism is tolerated by the state, this does will likely inform future EDCs even when campaigners fail not include radical movements intent on reconfiguring power to network with outside activists. structures. For example, the battle to improve public par- The level of networking in the Panguanying case ticipation in environmental issues is an iterative process exceeded that witnessed in most of the other anti-inciner- between sympathetic state actors and their policies, and non- ator cases documented so far in the EJ Atlas database. One state activists who demand that those policies are adhered to. reason why EDCs so often remain localised is that the rural Yet, whilst Chinese leaders have thrown their weight behind grassroots level often provides an inhospitable environment energy efficiency and pollution reduction policies, making for activism, even when it is perfectly legal. One urban envi- them key aspects of local official evaluation (see Wang 2013; ronmental activist recounted his experience in rural China: Kostka 2015), the promotion of public participation as a means for enhancing environmental justice lacks high level I’m terrified to death of taking a photo [of pollution]. I political support. Although there are several challenges to don’t even dare to call the pollution reporting hotline. EDCs scaling-up, the emergence of networks like the one It’s like if you make a phone call you are commit- surrounding Panguanying, however contingent, offers some ting a crime. It’s also not possible to tell the police. room for hope in the pursuit of strong sustainability. Sometimes people give me photos and ask me to report the situation, they are scared that the Public Security Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Crea- Bureau will find them if they publicise the photos, they tive Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creat iveco mmons.or g/licenses/b y/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribu- are scared of being arrested. tion, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Because outside attention can result in local officials Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. being disciplined, they have a strong incentive to limit con- tact between local campaigners and outsiders. The limita- tions we faced whilst carrying out fieldwork may serve as additional illustration of these dynamics. 1 3 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 745 Johnson T (2013) The health factor in anti-waste incinerator campaigns References in Beijing and Guangzhou. China Q 214:356–375 Johnson T (2014) Good governance for environmental protection in Balkan E (2012) Dirty truth about China’s incinerators. Chinadialogue, China: instrumentation, strategic interactions and unintended con- 4 July. https ://www .china dialo gue.ne t/ar tic le/5024-Dir ty -tr ut h sequences. J Contemp Asia 44(2):241–258 -about -China -s-incin erato rs. Accessed 2 Mar 2017 Johnson T (2017) Municipal solid waste management. Sternfeld E (ed) Bondes M, Johnson T (2017) Beyond localized environmental conten- Routledge handbook of environmental policy in China. Routledge, tion: horizontal and vertical diu ff sion in a Chinese anti-incinerator Abingdon, pp 302–313 campaign. J Contemp China 26(104):504–520 Kostka G (2015) Command without control: the case of China’s envi- Bullard RD (1990) Dumping in Dixie: race, class and environmental ronmental target system. Regul Governance 10(1):58–74 quality. Westview Press, Boulder. Lang G, Xu Y (2013) Anti-incinerator campaigns and the evolution of Cai Y (2010) Collective resistance in China: why popular protests suc- protest politics in China. Environ Politics 22(5):832–848 ceed or fail. Stanford University Press, Stanford Liu J (2013) Defending tiger leaping Gorge. In: Geall Sam (ed) China Camisani PB (2018) Sri Lanka: a political ecology of socio-environ- and the environment: the green revolution. Zed Books, London, mental conflicts and development projects. Sustain Sci. https :// pp 203–235 doi.org/10.1007/s1162 5-018-0544-7 Lora-Wainwright A (2017) Resigned activism: living with pollution in Carruthers D (ed) (2008) Environmental justice in Latin America: rural China. MIT Press, Cambridge Mass problems, promise, and practice. MIT Press, Cambridge Lora-Wainwright A, Zhang Y, Wu Y, Van Rooij B (2012) Learning Chen X (2012) Qu zuzhihua: Yuezhu jiti xingdong de celüe [Go and to live with pollution: the making of environmental subjects in a organise: homeowners’ collective action strategy]. Gonggong Chinese industrialized village. China J 68:106–124 Guanli Xuebao 2:67–75 Ma C (2010) Who bears the environmental burden in China—an analy- Chen T (2014) Zhongguo de huanjing kangzheng: yi xiang wenxian sis of the distribution of industrial pollution sources? Ecol Econ yanjiu [Environmental resistance in China: a piece of research 69(9):1869–1876 based on documents]. Hehai Daxue Xuebao 1:33–43 Martinez-Alier J, Munda G, O’Neill J (1998) Weak comparability Coggins C (2003) The tiger and the pangolin: nature, culture, and con- of values as a foundation for ecological economics. Ecol Econ servation in China. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 26:277–286 Deng Y, O’Brien K (2013) Relational repression in China: using social Martinez-Alier J, Kallis G, Veuthey S, Walter M, Temper L (2010) ties to demobilize protesters. China Q 215:533–552 Social metabolism, ecological distribution conflicts, and valuation Economy E (2004) The river runs black: the environmental challenge languages. Ecol Econ 70:153–158 to China’s future. Cornell University Press, Ithaca Martinez-Alier J, Anguelovski I, Bond P, Del Bene D, Demaria Gottlieb R (2001) Environmentalism unbound: Exploring new path- F, Gerber J, Greyl L, Haas W, Healy H, Marín-Burgos V, Ojo ways for change. MIT Press, Cambridge G, Porto M, Rijnhout L, Rodríguez-Labajos B, Spangenberg Guha R, Martinez-Alier J (2013) Varieties of environmentalism: essays J, Temper L, Warlenius R, Yánez I (2014) Between activism North and South. Earthscan Publications, London and science: grassroots concepts for sustainability coined by Guo W, Chen X (2011) Laji chuli zhengce yu gongmin chuangyi yun- environmental justice organizations. J Political Ecol 21:19–60 dong [Waste treatment policy and citizen advocacy movement]. Martinez-Alier J, Temper L, Del Bene D, Scheidel A (2016) Is Zhongshan Daxue Xuebao (Shehui Kexue Ban) 51(4):181–192 there a global environmental justice movement? J Peasant Stud Harvey D (1996) Justice, nature, and the geography of difference. 43(3):731–755 Blackwell Publishers, Cambridge McDonald D (2002) Environmental justice in South Africa. Ohio Hathaway M (2013) Environmental winds: making the global in South- University Press, Athens west China. University of California Press, Berkeley Mertha A (2008) China’s water warriors: citizen action and policy Herrold-Menzies M (2009) Peasant resistance against nature reserves. change. Cornell University Press, Ithaca In: Hsing Y, Lee CK (eds) Reclaiming Chinese society: politics of Ni Y, Zhang H, Fan S, Zhang X, Zhang Q, Chen J (2009) Emissions redistribution, recognition and representation. Routledge, London, of PCDD/Fs from municipal solid waste incinerators in China. pp 83–98 Chemosphere 75:1153–1158 Herrero A, Vilella M (2017) ‘We have a right to breathe clean air’: the O’Brien K, Li L (2006) Rightful resistance in rural China. Cam- emerging environmental justice movement against waste incinera- bridge University Press, New York tion in cement kilns in Spain. Sustain Sci. https://doi.or g/10.1007/ Özkaynak B, Aydın Cī, Ertör-Akyazı P, Ertör I (2015) The Gezi Park s1162 5-017-0473-x resistance from an environmental justice and social metabolism Heyman J (2011) An academic in an activist coalition: Recognizing perspective. Capital Nat Social 26(1):99–114 and bridging role conflicts. Ann Anthropol Pract 35(2):136–153 Piller C (1991) The fail-safe society: community defiance and the Ho P, Edmonds R (eds) (2008) China’s embedded activism: opportu- end of American technological optimism. BasicBooks, New nities and constraints of a social movement. Routledge, London York Hoornweg D, Bhada-Tata P (2012) What a waste: a global review of Pirkey W (2012) Beyond militant particularisms: collaboration and solid waste management. Urban Development Series; Knowledge hybridization in the “contact zones” of environmentalism. Capital Papers No. 15. The World Bank, Washington, DC Nat Social 23(3):70–91 Inglehart R (1977) The silent revolution: Changing values and politi- Saunders C (2013) Environmental networks and social movement cal styles among Western publics. Princeton University Press, theory. New York, Bloomsbury Princeton Scheidel A, Temper L, Demaria F, Martinez-Alier J (2017) Ecologi- Jing J (2000) Environmental protests in rural China. In: Perry EJ, cal distribution conflicts as forces for sustainability: an overview Selden M (eds) Chinese society: change, conflict and resistance. and conceptual framework. Sustain Sci. https ://doi.org/10.1007/ Routledge, London, pp 143–160 s1162 5-017-0519-0 Johnson T (2010) Environmentalism and NIMBYism in China: pro- Schlosberg D (1999) Networks and mobile arrangements: organisa- moting a rules-based approach to public participation. Environ tional innovation in the US environmental justice movement. Politics 19(3):430–448 Environ Politics 8(1):122–148 1 3 746 Sustainability Science (2018) 13:733–746 Schlosberg D (2007) Defining environmental justice: theories, move- Tilt B (2010) Struggling for sustainability in rural China: environmen- ments, and nature. Oxford University Press, Oxford tal values and civil society. Columbia University Press, New York Schlosberg D (2013) Theorising environmental justice: the expanding Tsing A (2005) Friction: an ethnography of global connection. Prince- sphere of a discourse. Environ Politics 22(1):37–55 ton University Press, Princeton Shang H (2013) Juji laji fenshaochang (Waste incinerator ambush). Van Rooij B (2010) The People vs. pollution: understanding citizen China Weekly, 21 March. http://www.china weekl y.cn/benca ndy. action against pollution in China. J Contemp China 19(63):55–77 php?fid=63&id=6503. Accessed 15 Mar 2014 Van Rooij B, Lora-Wainwright A, Wu Y, Zhang Y (2012) The compen- South China Morning Post (2011) Shenzhen plans world’s largest sation trap: the limits of community-based pollution regulation in incinerator. 15 September. http://www.scmp.com/article/97905 7/ China. Pace Environ Law (PELR) Rev 29(3):701–745 shenzhen-plans -w orlds-lar ges t-inciner ator . Accessed 19 Sept 2017 Van Rooij B, SternRE, Fürst K (2016) The authoritarian logic of regu- Spires A (2011) Contingent symbiosis and civil society in an authori- latory pluralism: understanding China’s new environmental actors. tarian state: understanding the survival of China’s grassroots Regul Gov 10(1):3–13 NGOs. Am J Sociol 117(1):1–45 Walker G (2009) Beyond distribution and proximity: exploring Steinhardt H, Wu F (2016) In the name of the public: environmen- the multiple spatialities of environmental justice. Antipode tal protest and the changing landscape of popular contention in 41(4):614–636 China. China J 75(1):61–82 Wang A (2013) The search for sustainable legitimacy: environmen- Stern R (2013) Environmental litigation in China: a study in political tal law and bureaucracy in China. Harvard Environ Law Rev ambivalence. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 37:365–440 Sun Y, Zhao D (2008) Environmental campaigns. In: O’Brien KJ (ed) Wells-Dang A (2012) Civil Society networks in China and Vietnam: Popular protest in China. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, informal pathbreakers in health and the environment. Palgrave pp 144–162 Macmillan, Basingstoke Szasz A (1994) EcoPopulism: toxic waste and the movement for envi- Williams G, Mawdsley E (2006) Postcolonial environmental justice: ronmental justice. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis government and governance in India. Geoforum 37(5):660–670 Sze J, London J (2008) Environmental justice at the crossroads. Sociol Wu F (2013) Environmental activism in provincial China: comparative Compass 2(4):1331–1354 evidence from Guangdong and Guanxi. J Environ Policy Plan Tan S, Ren T (2017) Wo guo huanjing kangzheng zhong shequ yu 15(1):89–108 minjian huanbao NGO zhi bijiao: yi Asuwei laji fenshao xiangmu Wuhu Ecology Center and Friends of Nature (2016) 231 zuo shenghuo fanjian shijian wei li [Comparison between environmental NGOs laji fenshaochang: xinxi gongkai yu wuranwu paifang baogao (di and community environmental resistance in China: taking the san qi) (231 waste incinerators: report on information disclosure Asuwei anti-incinerator case as an example]. Nanjing Gongye and pollutant emissions (third phase)). http://www.waste -cwin. Daxue Xuebao (Shehui Kexue Ban) 4:40–48org/sites/def ault/files /231zu o_la_ji_f en_shao_han_xin_xi_gong_ Temper L, Del Bene D, Martinez-Alier J (2015) Mapping the fron-kai_bao_gao_zui_zhong _ban_-email .pdf. Accessed 8 Mar 2017 tiers and front lines of global environmental justice: the EJAtlas. Xie L (2011) Environmental justice in China’s urban decision-making. J Political Ecol 22:255–278 Taiwan Comp Perspect 3:160–179 Temper L, Walter M, Rodriguez I, Kothari A, Turhan E (2018) A radi- Yeh E (2009) Greening western China: a critical view. Geoforum cal perspective on transformations to sustainability: resistances, 40:884–894 movements, alternatives. Sustain Sci. https ://doi.org/10.1007/ Zhang Y (2009) Ling yi zhong bu pingdeng. Lü Ye 4:28–43 s1162 5-018-0543-8 1 3

Journal

Sustainability Science – Springer Journals

Published: Mar 16, 2018

There are no references for this article.