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Theory and practice of social norms interventions: eight common pitfalls

Theory and practice of social norms interventions: eight common pitfalls Background: Recently, Global Health practitioners, scholars, and donors have expressed increased interest in “changing social norms” as a strategy to promote health and well-being in low and mid-income countries (LMIC). Despite this burgeoning interest, the ability of practitioners to use social norm theory to inform health interventions varies widely. Main body: Here, we identify eight pitfalls that practitioners must avoid as they plan to integrate a social norms perspective in their interventions, as well as eight learnings. These learnings are: 1) Social norms and attitudes are different; 2) Social norms and attitudes can coincide; 3) Protective norms can offer important resources for achieving effective social improvement in people’s health-related practices; 4) Harmful practices are sustained by a matrix of factors that need to be understood in their interactions; 5) The prevalence of a norm is not necessarily a sign of its strength; 6) Social norms can exert both direct and indirect influence; 7) Publicising the prevalence of a harmful practice can make things worse; 8) People-led social norm change is both the right and the smart thing to do. Conclusions: As the understanding of how norms evolve in LMIC advances, practitioners will develop greater understanding of what works to help people lead change in harmful norms within their contexts. Awareness of these pitfalls has helped several of them increase the effectiveness of their interventions addressing social norms in the field. We are confident that others will benefit from these reflections as well. Keywords: Social norms, NGO, Intervention, Health promotion Background factors influence people’s health and health-related behav- Practitioners and scholars working for global health have iours [10]. The fields of medical sociology and social epi- long been interested in understanding how socio-cultural demiology, for instance, have offered several paradigms of context influences people’s health-related behaviour. how “social determinants” combine with an individual’s Most of the field’s conceptual models acknowledge both genetic endowment, and social world to make people ei- the importance of context in shaping behaviour, and the ther healthy or ill [11]. Approaches that analyse social de- role of social norms. Brofenbenner’s socio-ecological model, terminants traditionally evoke factors such as income and for instance, emphasizes how individual, social, institu- income distribution, physical environment, employment tional, and macro level factors combine to influence peo- and job security, education as well as social networks [12]. ple’s actions [1, 2]. The framework invites users to examine When these and other behavioural science models have how the micro, meso, and macro-level environments inter- been used to design health-promotion programmes, the re- act to affect human behaviour. It has been used to examine lational dimension of social norms has sometimes been lost; awiderange of health practices “e.g. [3–8]” and more re- rather interventions have focussed instead on improving cently adapted specifically to help design social norms in- knowledge and changing attitudes [13–16]. Today, we are terventions [9]. In addition to the ecological model, several witnessing an increased interest in using social norms other theories and frameworks exist to study how social frameworks to inform health promotion interventions in low and mid-income countries (LMIC) [15, 17–23]. The * Correspondence: Ben.cislaghi@lshtm.ac.uk first “social norms interventions” were originally used to re- Department of Global Health and Development, London School of Hygiene duce alcohol consumption in a few US universities in the and Tropical Medicine, 15-17 Tavistock Place, London WC1H 9SH, UK early 1980s by correcting students’ overestimates of how Full list of author information is available at the end of the article © The Author(s). 2018 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated. Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 2 of 10 much other students drink [24]. Later, more campuses [47], use of recreational drugs [48, 49], smoking [50], (mostly in the US, Canada, and the UK) used similar water purification [51], and hand washing [52]. interventions to address tobacco use [25], sexual vio- Many theories exist on why people comply with social lence [26, 27], and use of recreational drugs [28]. norms, including when doing so is harmful to self and In the late 90s, several health practitioners working others. In a recent review, Young [37] identified four main in LMIC began to explore the potential of changing compliance mechanisms: 1) Coordination: people want to social norms to achieve a wider range of health outcomes, achieve a goal that requires coordinated action among especially around harmful traditional practices. This interest group members; to that purpose, they follow what they be- followed the discovery that people in West Africa were lieve to be common rules for that action; 2) Social pressure: abandoning female genital cutting – a non-medically-justi- people anticipate social rewards or social punishment for fied modification of women’s genitalia – in response to in- their compliance and non-compliance with a norm; trying terventions that integrated a norms component [29, 30]. to achieve the former and avoid the latter, they follow social Today, many interventions in LMIC aim to change social norms even when they may prefer not to; 3) Signalling and norms that sustain harmful practices, including, to cite a Symbolism: people want to signal their membership in a few examples, child marriage [18, 31, 32], female genital cut- given group to self and/or others; to do so, they follow what ting [33, 34] and intimate partner violence [35]. Gelfand and they think to be the rules specific to that group; 4) Bench- Jackson [36] spoke of this interest as the “emerging science” mark and Reference points: people internalise rules of what of social norms, and Miller and Prentice [15]attributeditto action is considered normal in a given situation, to the a “growing disillusionment with the capacity of factual infor- point that they follow those rules automatically — what mation and economic inducements to reduce [harmful] be- Morris and colleagues called social autopilot in [53]. haviour” (p. 340). Social norms are not written in stone; they naturally Despite this burgeoning interest, the ability of practi- evolve through time, and sometimes can change very tioners to use social norm theory to inform health-related quickly [13, 54–58]. The literature on what works to spark interventions varies widely. In practice, we have noticed sustainable social norms change in LMIC is still emergent, that when practitioners first apply a social norms frame to but growing [16]. In their recent review, Miller and Pren- behaviour change, they make similar mistakes. To help tice [15] identified three recurring approaches to change avoid these early missteps, we outline here, eight common social norms. The first is social norms marketing:this pitfalls that practitioners may encounter in their early ef- strategy was used in the 80s to address college students’ forts to apply social norms theory. We begin my reviewing drinking. To change group behaviour, social norms mar- some of the extensive and multi-disciplinary literature on keting campaigns aim to correct people’smisperceptions social norms; we conclude by describing each pitfall in of what others in their group do and approve of. In college greater depth. drinking interventions, for instance, social marketing strategies sent messages like: “85% of students in this uni- Background versity only drink one beer on Saturday and approve of Theoretical and empirical literature on social norms ex- those who do the same”. The second strategy is personal- ists in sociology, anthropology, social and moral psych- ized normative feedback, where people receive information ology, economics, law, political science, and health on how they are performing against others around them. sciences. Definitions across these disciplines vary and This strategy, which exploits the influence of (descriptive) sometimes contradict each other. The full range of these norms, has been used, for instance, to reduce energy con- definitions includes a constellation of social rules ran- sumption. By telling people whether they were doing bet- ging from mere etiquette to the most fundamental moral ter or worse at saving energy than their neighbours, the duties [13, 14, 37, 38]. In their simplest definition, social intervention achieved on average a considerable reduction norms are the informal, mostly unwritten, rules that de- in energy consumption [59, 60]. The third strategy is fa- fine acceptable, appropriate, and obligatory actions in a cilitator-led group conversations, where participants look given group or society. Current practitioners’ interest in critically at existing norms and practices within their social norms theory mostly draws from the work by group and renegotiate those norms among themselves. A Cialdini and colleagues, who defined social norms as few models exist of how group reflection processes one’s beliefs about: 1) what others in one’s group do (de- can help achieve change in harmful social norms [18, 20, scriptive norms); and 2) what they approve and disap- 61–64]. Studying effective facilitator-led programmes, Cisla- prove of (injunctive norms) [39–44]. Influence of norms ghi [65, 66] identified three steps for social norms change: 1) has been demonstrated empirically. Drawing on Cialdi- motivation (where participants learn about the detrimental ni’s definitions, researchers have demonstrated the influ- consequences for themselves and others of their compliance ence of social norms on several health-related practices, with the harmful norm); 2) deliberation (where participants including: alcohol consumption [45, 46], food intake create a new positive norm within their reference group and Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 3 of 10 identify strategies to motivate others in their surroundings); and 3) action (where participants publicly enact their strat- egies and motivate others to join the group, eventually reaching the critical mass needed for normative change). This final step is often formalized through a public commit- ment to change. The current literature, however, does not adequately elucidate the challenges and potential pitfalls of design- ing change strategies using social norms theory. Here, we list the most critical factors to be taken into account when designing such interventions. Eight pitfalls of social norms interventions As we mentioned, changing health-related social norms is critical to facilitate improvement in people’s relations and wellbeing [67–73]. Effective health promotion programmes should not only help people resist existing harmful expecta- Fig. 1 A harmful norm can trump one’s protective attitude, resulting tions, they should also facilitate change in the expectations in compliance with a harmful practice around them [70, 74, 75]. We have identified the following eight critically-important pitfalls of social norms interven- tions that can help design such interventions. attitudes as they design their measurement strategies, and select some of the tools created specifically to measure so- Pitfall #1: Conflating social norms and personal attitudes cial norms “see, for instance: [20, 21]”. Sometimes, however, The two psychological constructs—social norms and atti- measures of norms are not available to researchers using tudes—are connected but distinct (social norms can influ- existing datasets. Most multi-country datasets (DHS, World ence attitudes and vice versa). One of the most frequently Value Survey, MICS, for instance) do not include specific cited social norms theories, Fishbein and Ajzen’stheoryof measures of social norms, but they do include measures of reasoned action, describes attitudes as internally-motivated personal attitudes (for instance, the DHS includes measures judgements that people make about something, such as: “I of personal attitudes towards acceptability of violence). Re- don’tlikegoing to church” [76]. Social norms, instead, are searchers interrogating those datasets often resort to aggre- beliefs about what other people do and approve of, for in- gating attitude data at the cluster level, as a proxy for social stance, “People around me go to church and people import- norms [13, 79, 80]. Note that some researchers have re- anttomeexpectmetodolikewise”. The difference is ferred to and defined measures of cluster-level attitudes as important: one person might attend church not because “collective attitudinal norms” [81, 82]. she or he really wants to (attitude), but to meet the expecta- tions of others (see Fig. 1). Pitfall #2: Focussing exclusively on discordant norms and The misalignment between attitude and norm can influ- attitudes ence the actions of multiple people in a group, to the point A tendency exists in the social norms literature, particularly that everyone in the group might hold a protective personal in social psychology, economics, and implementation sci- attitude (“Ibelieve that girlsshouldbeatleast 18 before ence, to focus largely on discordance between attitudes and they marry” ) but think that everyone else holds a different norms (as depicted in Fig. 1). Since the early work on position (“the people around me marry their daughters as norms and students’ use of alcohol, a large number of em- soon as they reach puberty, and expect me to do likewise”). pirical studies investigated how discordant norms and atti- This phenomenon is commonly referred to as pluralistic ig- tudes influence people’s practices “e.g. [28, 29, 83–92]”. norance [77, 78]. When most people in a group hold con- Norms and attitudes, however, can be aligned: not only trasting attitudes and norms, an intervention might achieve can people believe that compliance with a harmful prac- change by unveiling the misperception that keeps people tice is expected of them, they can also have a positive per- bound to the harmful norm. That is, by showing that most sonal attitude towards that practice. Take the example of people in the group hold the same personal attitudes, inter- female genital cutting, for instance. In some places, people ventions might contribute to dismantling the harmful norm. might think that “cutting their daughter” is both what’sex- The difference between attitudes and norms also has pected of them and a good thing to do independently of implications for social norms measurement. Practitioners what others do (Fig. 2). who implement an intervention to change social norms Uncovering the relation between people’sattitudes and should pay attention to the difference between norms and norms is critical to intervention design. While correcting Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 4 of 10 misperceptions (as in the campus drinking example) might As an example, imagine a setting where a norm exists be an appropriate strategy when norms and attitudes are among adolescents under which drinking alcohol is discordant, it will not serve when people’s attitudes align considered a sign of weakness – some readers might with the norm. In this latter case, practitioners may first have observed such a norm in place in some Scandi- need to change theattitudes of acoregroup of individuals, navian countries, as well in some of the countries with and then help them become local change agents, reaching a quasi-totality of Muslim population (one of the two out to the larger group. This might be done, for instance, authors observed this norm to be in place in several by providing the group with information on the harmful areas of Senegal, West Africa). One adolescent might consequences of a given practice and inviting them to re- be curious to try alcohol, but fearing community shame flect critically on the reasons for the practice. Next, practi- might refrain from doing so. As practitioners design tioners could help participants devise strategies to motivate their interventions, they would benefit from under- others in their settings to join their movement for change standing the protective and harmful roles of existing (a process that has been referred to as “organised diffu- social norms. Effective interventions might work with sion”)([30], Cislaghi B, Deeny EK, Cissé M, Gueye P, local populations in devising strategies to strengthen ShrestaB,Shresta PN,FergusonG,HughesC,Clark C J: protective norms, building on existing cultural values Changing social norms: the importance of “organized diffu- and worldviews [93, 94]. sion” for scalingupcommunity health promotioninterven- tions, submitted). As the change process starts and the new healthful (or protective) norm spreads within the group, Pitfall #4: Assuming social norms are the sole driver of some people’s personal attitudes might not change, but the harmful practices new norm might induce them to adopt a healthier practice. It is rare (although not completely impossible) for social In sum, even though there is no universal relationship norms to be the exclusive reason motivating people to between attitudes and norms (either may change first), the engage in a harmful action or practice. As many have two nonetheless influence each other in ways that practi- observed [95–100], the ecology of factors contributing tioners should study and take account of in their work. to a given practice goes well beyond one specific driver. Understanding how norms intersect with other factors is essential to uncover the pathways that motivate people Pitfall #3: Overlooking protective norms to compliance with harmful practices. Think, for in- Another implicit bias in development is to see “culture” stance, about the work by Bersamin and colleagues only as a source of problems rather than as a space for [101], who studied what explains young female students’ possible solutions. But, in any given cultural context both lack of access to health services. They did find that potentially harmful and potentially protective norms likely norms against using the services could be a possible bar- exist (See Fig. 3). rier to access, but they also found that focussing on norms alone wouldn’t be adequate: the services them- selves must exist; they must be accessible; and women need to know what services are offered and when they can access them. In addition to understanding the range of factors that influence a given practice, it is important to understand how they interact. For instance, studying how material and social factors affect people’s electricity consumption, Pellerano and colleagues found that extrinsic financial incentives (a material factor) can sometimes reduce the effect of a normative message (a social factor). Their findings suggest that when people feel that they are com- plying with a new practice for money, they might be less motivated to do so than when they feel they are complying for a “greater” social purpose [102]. Recently, Cislaghi and Heise [9] offered a practical frame- work practitioners can use to look at that the ecology of factors contributing to sustaining any given practice. Their framework, which evolves from the well-known ecological framework, includes four domains of influence: institu- Fig. 2 Norms and attitudes can be contrasting or aligned tional, individual, social, and material (see Fig. 4). Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 5 of 10 Fig. 3 Possible effect of attitudes and norms on the practice (assuming the norm trumps the attitude) Understanding how institutional, individual, social and Pitfall #5: Confusing the prevalence of a social norm with material factors interact to influence people’s harmful prac- its influence tices can help practitioners design effective interventions Partly due to practitioners’ increased efforts to meas- that include a social norms perspective. Similar coordinated ure social norms as part of programmatic monitoring change could be achieved by organisations collaborating and evaluation, data on the prevalence of specific norms is both amongst themselves and with the population whose starting to appear at conferences, and in reports and aca- actions are influenced by these factors. demic papers. These data are often presented to explain Fig. 4 Effective interventions uncover and address the interactions between norms and other factors sustaining harmful practices [Source: 9] Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 6 of 10 the extent to which a given norm sustains a particular not supposed to disclose family matters to others”;and practice. However, most studies thus far have invested “women are supposed to keep the family together at any more time, thought, and resources in measuring the preva- cost” (See Fig. 5). lence of anorm(i.e. howmanypeopleina specific group Intervention design should thus be informed by hold normative belief X), than measuring its influence (i.e. exploratory formative research, specifically tailored to how many people do X because of the social norm). develop an in-depth understanding of the relations between Scholars of social norms have advanced several hypotheses various constellations of norms, and their direct and/or in- of what might determine the strength of a norm [14, 19]. direct effects over the practices of interest. Qualitative Cislaghi and Heise [19], for instance, suggested that char- strategies and techniques for diagnosing social norms are acteristics of a practice can affect the influence a norm available elsewhere [20, 21]. Vignettes are often recom- might exert. One of these characteristics is “detectability”:if mended as a good method to diagnose social norms e.g. anormexists that “you should do X”,but Xiscompletely [13, 105]. Vignettes are short stories that simulate context- undetectable (that is: nobody can know whether others are ual elements of a practice under study (for instance, in the doing X or not), the norm might have less influence on case of child marriage, they might include a father telling people’s compliance with X than in the opposite case, when his friends that he’s found a husband for his 12-year old compliance is very detectable. daughter). Vignettes are usually followed by a series of That is not to say that the relation between a norm X questions to probe aspects of the respondent’s beliefs. and a related undetectable practice can’t have harmful Note, however, that vignettes present participants with a effects nonetheless. In similar cases, people might never set of specific scenarios, relational dynamics, and social disclose their non-compliance with X, but their non-dis- contexts in which the action of interest is carried out; in closure might result in harm to self or others. Think of a other words, vignettes are selective in the contextual ele- setting where a social norm exists that says, “you ments they simulate [106]. Their selective nature can be shouldn’t have sex before marriage”. Some adolescents both an advantage and a disadvantage. Since they are select- may nevertheless have sex before marriage despite the ive, vignettes don’t easily allow participants to deviate from norm. These same adolescents might not want to disclose the scenario that researchers present to them; researchers to others their sexual activity, possibly anticipating social have already made choices about who influences who (“the punishment for it. Their non-disclosure might then limit reference group”), the place where the action of interest their capacity to learn about and access modern contra- happens, and the direct or indirect norm that sustains the ceptive methods (potentially increasing their risk of an un- practice. They are better used when researchers already wanted pregnancy or of contracting an STI). have an idea of what norms sustain the practice of interest Understanding the influence of one or multiple norms in a particular context. Open-ended techniques are often over agiven practiceshouldbeapriorityfor effectiveinter- better suited to situations wherelittleisknown aboutthe vention design. This could be done through qualitative re- norms that sustain a given practice. These methods might search (see below), possibly coupled with quantitative include participatory approaches that invite participants to measures exploring associations between prevalence of nor- discuss all possible contextual elements of the practice of mative beliefs and prevalence of the practice of interest, at interest. Themes presented to participants might include: in the cluster level. what ways is the action of interest carried out in their con- text? Who carries it out, who doesn’t and what explains this Pitfall #6: Neglecting the indirect influence of social difference? Where is the action carried out? Who witnesses norms it? Who would approve or disapprove of it? Vignettes might Practitioners studying the effect of social norms on a follow as a strategy to uncover the influence of social norms practice X (such as child marriage) might be tempted to in a specific number of selected scenarios, built from the look for a norm that people are expected to do X (marry previous description of the context in which the action their daughter young). An example comes from female takes place. genital cutting, where research conducted in West Africa demonstrated that, in some areas, the practice “cutting your Pitfall #7: Publicising the wide prevalence of a harmful daughter” was sustained by the norm “people around here social norm think that only girls who are cut are respectable” [30, 103, Social norms theory can help recognise the risks in design- 104]. We call situations where the norm and the behaviour ing campaigns that highlight the great number of people are matched, a direct relation between the practice and the complying with a harmful practice. Those concerned about norm [19]. But a practice X can also be indirectly sustained an issue frequently attempt to motivate change by publiciz- by multiple norms. Intimate partner violence (IPV), for in- ing the size of the problem: “1in3womenglobally are stance, might be sustained by the norms: “you’re not sup- abused by their partner”;or: “The average American intakes posed to intervene in another family’s affairs”; “women are 44.7 gallons of sugary soda each year”. Because descriptive Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 7 of 10 Fig. 5 Two possible relations (direct and indirect) between a harmful practice and social norms norms (beliefs about what others do) can influence people’s discouraged to join future movements for change. Asking behaviour, such campaigns can unwittingly reinforce a people instead to plan and lead the movement for change practice [15, 107, 108]. Even though this point is quite well builds their capacity to identify key change actors, join established in the theoretical and empirical literature, there with them, and then move to action when they feel they are still questions about how this finding can inform effect- have achieved the collaboration of other key people in ive interventions. In designing intervention strategies, cau- their network. For the same reason, it might be ineffective tion and serious thought should be given to whether it will (if not dangerous) to spread intervention efforts across be beneficial to use messages that raise awareness in the geographical or social clusters. Concentrated interventions general population of the size of a problem, like: “65,000 that work with people’s entire social networks might be 12-year-old girls were married this year in this region both more effective and less likely to elicit backlash alone”.Wedon’t yet know who is most likely to be influ- against those first agents of change who venture to unset- enced by such messages. It might be that these messages tle the normative equilibrium. sway those who already hold personal attitudes in favour of the harmful practice; but a concrete risk exists that Conclusion similar messages might backfire, pushing some previous This paper offers some practical reflections for those de- non-compliers to comply with the harmful norm [109]. signing interventions addressing social norms. At this par- ticular moment of research and practice, eight pitfalls seem Pitfall #8: Engineering social norms change from the to be particularly critical for achieving effective normative outside-in change. The corresponding learnings for practitioners are: Local worldviews, norms and attitudes intertwine to sus- 1) Social norms and attitudes are different; 2) Social norms tain cultural practices in ways that may be difficult for and attitudes can coincide; 3) Protective norms can offer practitioners to fully decipher in culturally unfamiliar con- important avenues for effective social change; 4) Harmful texts. It can thus be dangerous to design a new desired practices are sustained by a matrix of interacting factors; 5) system of norms from the “outside”. The consequences of The prevalence of a norm is not necessarily a sign of its the new normative equilibrium might be as harmful as the strength; 6) Social norms can exert both direct and indirect practices it is meant to replace. Practitioners should thus influence; 7) Publicising the prevalence of a harmful prac- strive to design people-led interventions that help partici- tice can recruit more people to the practice; 8) People-led pants develop both internal motivations to change local social norm change is both the right and the smart thing to norms and strategies to do so in ways that are compatible do. As the understanding of how norms evolve in LMIC with the local cultural and social context [65, 110, 111]. advances, practitioners will develop greater understanding Likewise, social norms systems can be highly self-pro- of what works to help people lead change in harmful norms tective. Because those who challenge the norm might face within their contexts. Awareness of these pitfalls has helped social punishment, their failed attempts to challenge the several programmes in the past increase the effectiveness of equilibrium might result in greater harm for them than their interventions. 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Theory and practice of social norms interventions: eight common pitfalls

Globalization and Health , Volume 14 (1) – Aug 17, 2018

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Springer Journals
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Copyright © 2018 by The Author(s).
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Medicine & Public Health; Public Health; Development Economics; Social Policy; Quality of Life Research; Epidemiology
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1744-8603
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10.1186/s12992-018-0398-x
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30119638
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Abstract

Background: Recently, Global Health practitioners, scholars, and donors have expressed increased interest in “changing social norms” as a strategy to promote health and well-being in low and mid-income countries (LMIC). Despite this burgeoning interest, the ability of practitioners to use social norm theory to inform health interventions varies widely. Main body: Here, we identify eight pitfalls that practitioners must avoid as they plan to integrate a social norms perspective in their interventions, as well as eight learnings. These learnings are: 1) Social norms and attitudes are different; 2) Social norms and attitudes can coincide; 3) Protective norms can offer important resources for achieving effective social improvement in people’s health-related practices; 4) Harmful practices are sustained by a matrix of factors that need to be understood in their interactions; 5) The prevalence of a norm is not necessarily a sign of its strength; 6) Social norms can exert both direct and indirect influence; 7) Publicising the prevalence of a harmful practice can make things worse; 8) People-led social norm change is both the right and the smart thing to do. Conclusions: As the understanding of how norms evolve in LMIC advances, practitioners will develop greater understanding of what works to help people lead change in harmful norms within their contexts. Awareness of these pitfalls has helped several of them increase the effectiveness of their interventions addressing social norms in the field. We are confident that others will benefit from these reflections as well. Keywords: Social norms, NGO, Intervention, Health promotion Background factors influence people’s health and health-related behav- Practitioners and scholars working for global health have iours [10]. The fields of medical sociology and social epi- long been interested in understanding how socio-cultural demiology, for instance, have offered several paradigms of context influences people’s health-related behaviour. how “social determinants” combine with an individual’s Most of the field’s conceptual models acknowledge both genetic endowment, and social world to make people ei- the importance of context in shaping behaviour, and the ther healthy or ill [11]. Approaches that analyse social de- role of social norms. Brofenbenner’s socio-ecological model, terminants traditionally evoke factors such as income and for instance, emphasizes how individual, social, institu- income distribution, physical environment, employment tional, and macro level factors combine to influence peo- and job security, education as well as social networks [12]. ple’s actions [1, 2]. The framework invites users to examine When these and other behavioural science models have how the micro, meso, and macro-level environments inter- been used to design health-promotion programmes, the re- act to affect human behaviour. It has been used to examine lational dimension of social norms has sometimes been lost; awiderange of health practices “e.g. [3–8]” and more re- rather interventions have focussed instead on improving cently adapted specifically to help design social norms in- knowledge and changing attitudes [13–16]. Today, we are terventions [9]. In addition to the ecological model, several witnessing an increased interest in using social norms other theories and frameworks exist to study how social frameworks to inform health promotion interventions in low and mid-income countries (LMIC) [15, 17–23]. The * Correspondence: Ben.cislaghi@lshtm.ac.uk first “social norms interventions” were originally used to re- Department of Global Health and Development, London School of Hygiene duce alcohol consumption in a few US universities in the and Tropical Medicine, 15-17 Tavistock Place, London WC1H 9SH, UK early 1980s by correcting students’ overestimates of how Full list of author information is available at the end of the article © The Author(s). 2018 Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated. Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 2 of 10 much other students drink [24]. Later, more campuses [47], use of recreational drugs [48, 49], smoking [50], (mostly in the US, Canada, and the UK) used similar water purification [51], and hand washing [52]. interventions to address tobacco use [25], sexual vio- Many theories exist on why people comply with social lence [26, 27], and use of recreational drugs [28]. norms, including when doing so is harmful to self and In the late 90s, several health practitioners working others. In a recent review, Young [37] identified four main in LMIC began to explore the potential of changing compliance mechanisms: 1) Coordination: people want to social norms to achieve a wider range of health outcomes, achieve a goal that requires coordinated action among especially around harmful traditional practices. This interest group members; to that purpose, they follow what they be- followed the discovery that people in West Africa were lieve to be common rules for that action; 2) Social pressure: abandoning female genital cutting – a non-medically-justi- people anticipate social rewards or social punishment for fied modification of women’s genitalia – in response to in- their compliance and non-compliance with a norm; trying terventions that integrated a norms component [29, 30]. to achieve the former and avoid the latter, they follow social Today, many interventions in LMIC aim to change social norms even when they may prefer not to; 3) Signalling and norms that sustain harmful practices, including, to cite a Symbolism: people want to signal their membership in a few examples, child marriage [18, 31, 32], female genital cut- given group to self and/or others; to do so, they follow what ting [33, 34] and intimate partner violence [35]. Gelfand and they think to be the rules specific to that group; 4) Bench- Jackson [36] spoke of this interest as the “emerging science” mark and Reference points: people internalise rules of what of social norms, and Miller and Prentice [15]attributeditto action is considered normal in a given situation, to the a “growing disillusionment with the capacity of factual infor- point that they follow those rules automatically — what mation and economic inducements to reduce [harmful] be- Morris and colleagues called social autopilot in [53]. haviour” (p. 340). Social norms are not written in stone; they naturally Despite this burgeoning interest, the ability of practi- evolve through time, and sometimes can change very tioners to use social norm theory to inform health-related quickly [13, 54–58]. The literature on what works to spark interventions varies widely. In practice, we have noticed sustainable social norms change in LMIC is still emergent, that when practitioners first apply a social norms frame to but growing [16]. In their recent review, Miller and Pren- behaviour change, they make similar mistakes. To help tice [15] identified three recurring approaches to change avoid these early missteps, we outline here, eight common social norms. The first is social norms marketing:this pitfalls that practitioners may encounter in their early ef- strategy was used in the 80s to address college students’ forts to apply social norms theory. We begin my reviewing drinking. To change group behaviour, social norms mar- some of the extensive and multi-disciplinary literature on keting campaigns aim to correct people’smisperceptions social norms; we conclude by describing each pitfall in of what others in their group do and approve of. In college greater depth. drinking interventions, for instance, social marketing strategies sent messages like: “85% of students in this uni- Background versity only drink one beer on Saturday and approve of Theoretical and empirical literature on social norms ex- those who do the same”. The second strategy is personal- ists in sociology, anthropology, social and moral psych- ized normative feedback, where people receive information ology, economics, law, political science, and health on how they are performing against others around them. sciences. Definitions across these disciplines vary and This strategy, which exploits the influence of (descriptive) sometimes contradict each other. The full range of these norms, has been used, for instance, to reduce energy con- definitions includes a constellation of social rules ran- sumption. By telling people whether they were doing bet- ging from mere etiquette to the most fundamental moral ter or worse at saving energy than their neighbours, the duties [13, 14, 37, 38]. In their simplest definition, social intervention achieved on average a considerable reduction norms are the informal, mostly unwritten, rules that de- in energy consumption [59, 60]. The third strategy is fa- fine acceptable, appropriate, and obligatory actions in a cilitator-led group conversations, where participants look given group or society. Current practitioners’ interest in critically at existing norms and practices within their social norms theory mostly draws from the work by group and renegotiate those norms among themselves. A Cialdini and colleagues, who defined social norms as few models exist of how group reflection processes one’s beliefs about: 1) what others in one’s group do (de- can help achieve change in harmful social norms [18, 20, scriptive norms); and 2) what they approve and disap- 61–64]. Studying effective facilitator-led programmes, Cisla- prove of (injunctive norms) [39–44]. Influence of norms ghi [65, 66] identified three steps for social norms change: 1) has been demonstrated empirically. Drawing on Cialdi- motivation (where participants learn about the detrimental ni’s definitions, researchers have demonstrated the influ- consequences for themselves and others of their compliance ence of social norms on several health-related practices, with the harmful norm); 2) deliberation (where participants including: alcohol consumption [45, 46], food intake create a new positive norm within their reference group and Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 3 of 10 identify strategies to motivate others in their surroundings); and 3) action (where participants publicly enact their strat- egies and motivate others to join the group, eventually reaching the critical mass needed for normative change). This final step is often formalized through a public commit- ment to change. The current literature, however, does not adequately elucidate the challenges and potential pitfalls of design- ing change strategies using social norms theory. Here, we list the most critical factors to be taken into account when designing such interventions. Eight pitfalls of social norms interventions As we mentioned, changing health-related social norms is critical to facilitate improvement in people’s relations and wellbeing [67–73]. Effective health promotion programmes should not only help people resist existing harmful expecta- Fig. 1 A harmful norm can trump one’s protective attitude, resulting tions, they should also facilitate change in the expectations in compliance with a harmful practice around them [70, 74, 75]. We have identified the following eight critically-important pitfalls of social norms interven- tions that can help design such interventions. attitudes as they design their measurement strategies, and select some of the tools created specifically to measure so- Pitfall #1: Conflating social norms and personal attitudes cial norms “see, for instance: [20, 21]”. Sometimes, however, The two psychological constructs—social norms and atti- measures of norms are not available to researchers using tudes—are connected but distinct (social norms can influ- existing datasets. Most multi-country datasets (DHS, World ence attitudes and vice versa). One of the most frequently Value Survey, MICS, for instance) do not include specific cited social norms theories, Fishbein and Ajzen’stheoryof measures of social norms, but they do include measures of reasoned action, describes attitudes as internally-motivated personal attitudes (for instance, the DHS includes measures judgements that people make about something, such as: “I of personal attitudes towards acceptability of violence). Re- don’tlikegoing to church” [76]. Social norms, instead, are searchers interrogating those datasets often resort to aggre- beliefs about what other people do and approve of, for in- gating attitude data at the cluster level, as a proxy for social stance, “People around me go to church and people import- norms [13, 79, 80]. Note that some researchers have re- anttomeexpectmetodolikewise”. The difference is ferred to and defined measures of cluster-level attitudes as important: one person might attend church not because “collective attitudinal norms” [81, 82]. she or he really wants to (attitude), but to meet the expecta- tions of others (see Fig. 1). Pitfall #2: Focussing exclusively on discordant norms and The misalignment between attitude and norm can influ- attitudes ence the actions of multiple people in a group, to the point A tendency exists in the social norms literature, particularly that everyone in the group might hold a protective personal in social psychology, economics, and implementation sci- attitude (“Ibelieve that girlsshouldbeatleast 18 before ence, to focus largely on discordance between attitudes and they marry” ) but think that everyone else holds a different norms (as depicted in Fig. 1). Since the early work on position (“the people around me marry their daughters as norms and students’ use of alcohol, a large number of em- soon as they reach puberty, and expect me to do likewise”). pirical studies investigated how discordant norms and atti- This phenomenon is commonly referred to as pluralistic ig- tudes influence people’s practices “e.g. [28, 29, 83–92]”. norance [77, 78]. When most people in a group hold con- Norms and attitudes, however, can be aligned: not only trasting attitudes and norms, an intervention might achieve can people believe that compliance with a harmful prac- change by unveiling the misperception that keeps people tice is expected of them, they can also have a positive per- bound to the harmful norm. That is, by showing that most sonal attitude towards that practice. Take the example of people in the group hold the same personal attitudes, inter- female genital cutting, for instance. In some places, people ventions might contribute to dismantling the harmful norm. might think that “cutting their daughter” is both what’sex- The difference between attitudes and norms also has pected of them and a good thing to do independently of implications for social norms measurement. Practitioners what others do (Fig. 2). who implement an intervention to change social norms Uncovering the relation between people’sattitudes and should pay attention to the difference between norms and norms is critical to intervention design. While correcting Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 4 of 10 misperceptions (as in the campus drinking example) might As an example, imagine a setting where a norm exists be an appropriate strategy when norms and attitudes are among adolescents under which drinking alcohol is discordant, it will not serve when people’s attitudes align considered a sign of weakness – some readers might with the norm. In this latter case, practitioners may first have observed such a norm in place in some Scandi- need to change theattitudes of acoregroup of individuals, navian countries, as well in some of the countries with and then help them become local change agents, reaching a quasi-totality of Muslim population (one of the two out to the larger group. This might be done, for instance, authors observed this norm to be in place in several by providing the group with information on the harmful areas of Senegal, West Africa). One adolescent might consequences of a given practice and inviting them to re- be curious to try alcohol, but fearing community shame flect critically on the reasons for the practice. Next, practi- might refrain from doing so. As practitioners design tioners could help participants devise strategies to motivate their interventions, they would benefit from under- others in their settings to join their movement for change standing the protective and harmful roles of existing (a process that has been referred to as “organised diffu- social norms. Effective interventions might work with sion”)([30], Cislaghi B, Deeny EK, Cissé M, Gueye P, local populations in devising strategies to strengthen ShrestaB,Shresta PN,FergusonG,HughesC,Clark C J: protective norms, building on existing cultural values Changing social norms: the importance of “organized diffu- and worldviews [93, 94]. sion” for scalingupcommunity health promotioninterven- tions, submitted). As the change process starts and the new healthful (or protective) norm spreads within the group, Pitfall #4: Assuming social norms are the sole driver of some people’s personal attitudes might not change, but the harmful practices new norm might induce them to adopt a healthier practice. It is rare (although not completely impossible) for social In sum, even though there is no universal relationship norms to be the exclusive reason motivating people to between attitudes and norms (either may change first), the engage in a harmful action or practice. As many have two nonetheless influence each other in ways that practi- observed [95–100], the ecology of factors contributing tioners should study and take account of in their work. to a given practice goes well beyond one specific driver. Understanding how norms intersect with other factors is essential to uncover the pathways that motivate people Pitfall #3: Overlooking protective norms to compliance with harmful practices. Think, for in- Another implicit bias in development is to see “culture” stance, about the work by Bersamin and colleagues only as a source of problems rather than as a space for [101], who studied what explains young female students’ possible solutions. But, in any given cultural context both lack of access to health services. They did find that potentially harmful and potentially protective norms likely norms against using the services could be a possible bar- exist (See Fig. 3). rier to access, but they also found that focussing on norms alone wouldn’t be adequate: the services them- selves must exist; they must be accessible; and women need to know what services are offered and when they can access them. In addition to understanding the range of factors that influence a given practice, it is important to understand how they interact. For instance, studying how material and social factors affect people’s electricity consumption, Pellerano and colleagues found that extrinsic financial incentives (a material factor) can sometimes reduce the effect of a normative message (a social factor). Their findings suggest that when people feel that they are com- plying with a new practice for money, they might be less motivated to do so than when they feel they are complying for a “greater” social purpose [102]. Recently, Cislaghi and Heise [9] offered a practical frame- work practitioners can use to look at that the ecology of factors contributing to sustaining any given practice. Their framework, which evolves from the well-known ecological framework, includes four domains of influence: institu- Fig. 2 Norms and attitudes can be contrasting or aligned tional, individual, social, and material (see Fig. 4). Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 5 of 10 Fig. 3 Possible effect of attitudes and norms on the practice (assuming the norm trumps the attitude) Understanding how institutional, individual, social and Pitfall #5: Confusing the prevalence of a social norm with material factors interact to influence people’s harmful prac- its influence tices can help practitioners design effective interventions Partly due to practitioners’ increased efforts to meas- that include a social norms perspective. Similar coordinated ure social norms as part of programmatic monitoring change could be achieved by organisations collaborating and evaluation, data on the prevalence of specific norms is both amongst themselves and with the population whose starting to appear at conferences, and in reports and aca- actions are influenced by these factors. demic papers. These data are often presented to explain Fig. 4 Effective interventions uncover and address the interactions between norms and other factors sustaining harmful practices [Source: 9] Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 6 of 10 the extent to which a given norm sustains a particular not supposed to disclose family matters to others”;and practice. However, most studies thus far have invested “women are supposed to keep the family together at any more time, thought, and resources in measuring the preva- cost” (See Fig. 5). lence of anorm(i.e. howmanypeopleina specific group Intervention design should thus be informed by hold normative belief X), than measuring its influence (i.e. exploratory formative research, specifically tailored to how many people do X because of the social norm). develop an in-depth understanding of the relations between Scholars of social norms have advanced several hypotheses various constellations of norms, and their direct and/or in- of what might determine the strength of a norm [14, 19]. direct effects over the practices of interest. Qualitative Cislaghi and Heise [19], for instance, suggested that char- strategies and techniques for diagnosing social norms are acteristics of a practice can affect the influence a norm available elsewhere [20, 21]. Vignettes are often recom- might exert. One of these characteristics is “detectability”:if mended as a good method to diagnose social norms e.g. anormexists that “you should do X”,but Xiscompletely [13, 105]. Vignettes are short stories that simulate context- undetectable (that is: nobody can know whether others are ual elements of a practice under study (for instance, in the doing X or not), the norm might have less influence on case of child marriage, they might include a father telling people’s compliance with X than in the opposite case, when his friends that he’s found a husband for his 12-year old compliance is very detectable. daughter). Vignettes are usually followed by a series of That is not to say that the relation between a norm X questions to probe aspects of the respondent’s beliefs. and a related undetectable practice can’t have harmful Note, however, that vignettes present participants with a effects nonetheless. In similar cases, people might never set of specific scenarios, relational dynamics, and social disclose their non-compliance with X, but their non-dis- contexts in which the action of interest is carried out; in closure might result in harm to self or others. Think of a other words, vignettes are selective in the contextual ele- setting where a social norm exists that says, “you ments they simulate [106]. Their selective nature can be shouldn’t have sex before marriage”. Some adolescents both an advantage and a disadvantage. Since they are select- may nevertheless have sex before marriage despite the ive, vignettes don’t easily allow participants to deviate from norm. These same adolescents might not want to disclose the scenario that researchers present to them; researchers to others their sexual activity, possibly anticipating social have already made choices about who influences who (“the punishment for it. Their non-disclosure might then limit reference group”), the place where the action of interest their capacity to learn about and access modern contra- happens, and the direct or indirect norm that sustains the ceptive methods (potentially increasing their risk of an un- practice. They are better used when researchers already wanted pregnancy or of contracting an STI). have an idea of what norms sustain the practice of interest Understanding the influence of one or multiple norms in a particular context. Open-ended techniques are often over agiven practiceshouldbeapriorityfor effectiveinter- better suited to situations wherelittleisknown aboutthe vention design. This could be done through qualitative re- norms that sustain a given practice. These methods might search (see below), possibly coupled with quantitative include participatory approaches that invite participants to measures exploring associations between prevalence of nor- discuss all possible contextual elements of the practice of mative beliefs and prevalence of the practice of interest, at interest. Themes presented to participants might include: in the cluster level. what ways is the action of interest carried out in their con- text? Who carries it out, who doesn’t and what explains this Pitfall #6: Neglecting the indirect influence of social difference? Where is the action carried out? Who witnesses norms it? Who would approve or disapprove of it? Vignettes might Practitioners studying the effect of social norms on a follow as a strategy to uncover the influence of social norms practice X (such as child marriage) might be tempted to in a specific number of selected scenarios, built from the look for a norm that people are expected to do X (marry previous description of the context in which the action their daughter young). An example comes from female takes place. genital cutting, where research conducted in West Africa demonstrated that, in some areas, the practice “cutting your Pitfall #7: Publicising the wide prevalence of a harmful daughter” was sustained by the norm “people around here social norm think that only girls who are cut are respectable” [30, 103, Social norms theory can help recognise the risks in design- 104]. We call situations where the norm and the behaviour ing campaigns that highlight the great number of people are matched, a direct relation between the practice and the complying with a harmful practice. Those concerned about norm [19]. But a practice X can also be indirectly sustained an issue frequently attempt to motivate change by publiciz- by multiple norms. Intimate partner violence (IPV), for in- ing the size of the problem: “1in3womenglobally are stance, might be sustained by the norms: “you’re not sup- abused by their partner”;or: “The average American intakes posed to intervene in another family’s affairs”; “women are 44.7 gallons of sugary soda each year”. Because descriptive Cislaghi and Heise Globalization and Health (2018) 14:83 Page 7 of 10 Fig. 5 Two possible relations (direct and indirect) between a harmful practice and social norms norms (beliefs about what others do) can influence people’s discouraged to join future movements for change. Asking behaviour, such campaigns can unwittingly reinforce a people instead to plan and lead the movement for change practice [15, 107, 108]. Even though this point is quite well builds their capacity to identify key change actors, join established in the theoretical and empirical literature, there with them, and then move to action when they feel they are still questions about how this finding can inform effect- have achieved the collaboration of other key people in ive interventions. In designing intervention strategies, cau- their network. For the same reason, it might be ineffective tion and serious thought should be given to whether it will (if not dangerous) to spread intervention efforts across be beneficial to use messages that raise awareness in the geographical or social clusters. Concentrated interventions general population of the size of a problem, like: “65,000 that work with people’s entire social networks might be 12-year-old girls were married this year in this region both more effective and less likely to elicit backlash alone”.Wedon’t yet know who is most likely to be influ- against those first agents of change who venture to unset- enced by such messages. It might be that these messages tle the normative equilibrium. sway those who already hold personal attitudes in favour of the harmful practice; but a concrete risk exists that Conclusion similar messages might backfire, pushing some previous This paper offers some practical reflections for those de- non-compliers to comply with the harmful norm [109]. signing interventions addressing social norms. At this par- ticular moment of research and practice, eight pitfalls seem Pitfall #8: Engineering social norms change from the to be particularly critical for achieving effective normative outside-in change. The corresponding learnings for practitioners are: Local worldviews, norms and attitudes intertwine to sus- 1) Social norms and attitudes are different; 2) Social norms tain cultural practices in ways that may be difficult for and attitudes can coincide; 3) Protective norms can offer practitioners to fully decipher in culturally unfamiliar con- important avenues for effective social change; 4) Harmful texts. It can thus be dangerous to design a new desired practices are sustained by a matrix of interacting factors; 5) system of norms from the “outside”. The consequences of The prevalence of a norm is not necessarily a sign of its the new normative equilibrium might be as harmful as the strength; 6) Social norms can exert both direct and indirect practices it is meant to replace. Practitioners should thus influence; 7) Publicising the prevalence of a harmful prac- strive to design people-led interventions that help partici- tice can recruit more people to the practice; 8) People-led pants develop both internal motivations to change local social norm change is both the right and the smart thing to norms and strategies to do so in ways that are compatible do. As the understanding of how norms evolve in LMIC with the local cultural and social context [65, 110, 111]. advances, practitioners will develop greater understanding Likewise, social norms systems can be highly self-pro- of what works to help people lead change in harmful norms tective. Because those who challenge the norm might face within their contexts. Awareness of these pitfalls has helped social punishment, their failed attempts to challenge the several programmes in the past increase the effectiveness of equilibrium might result in greater harm for them than their interventions. 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