Abstract
The mashrabiyya is a latticework applied to the windows of traditional residences in the Arab world to both veil women from the gaze of men and to ameliorate the region's hot arid climate. In etymology and design, the mashrabiyya is associated with the residential architecture of Cairo. Many scholars are calling for the revival of the traditional mashrabiyya because it best balances the social and environmental needs of Cairo's residences. In order to realize such goal however, the following problems must be addressed: its role as a veil, Cairo's air pollution, and its considerable expense. Similar in social and environmental function, the Japanese machiya-go ˉshi (traditional townhouse lattices) offer practical solutions for the problems of the mashrabiyya. This paper examines 1) the traditional form of Cairo's mashrabiyya, 2) the social, environmental, and economic problems if this form is applied in contemporary Cairo, and 3) how the machiya-go ˉshi's simplicity and capability of adjusting privacy, lighting, and airflow can be adapted to improve Cairo's mashrabiyya. At the end, the paper offers a preliminary proposal for a new mashrabiyya. Keywords: Mashrabiyya; Islamic latticework; Japanese machiya-go ˉshi; Cairo; veil 1. Introduction It "designates a technique of turned wood used to Greater Cairo is a typical mega-city with around produce lattice-like panels...to adorn the windows in 14-15 million inhabitants (almost half of the country's traditional domestic architecture" . It functioned as urban population) , and its overall net density reached a screen to both veil Muslim women from the gaze 3 2 , 0 0 0 i n h . / k m i n 1 9 9 4 , r a n g i n g f r o m 1 0 9 , 0 0 0 of men and to ameliorate the climatic conditions of inh./km in the densely populated districts to 15,000 the region's hot arid climate. Presently, the use of 2 2 inh./km in the least populated . According to the mashrabiyya as screens for windows or balconies 2003 EIDHS, 92.2% of households in Egyptian urban is extremely rare and they can be found only in the governorates live in apartment buildings. In Greater historically preserved houses remaining from the Cairo, about 70% of its built area is residential , of Mamluk and Ottoman periods. which 22% are apartment buildings of more than 6 According to Mamluk wakf deeds, mashrabiyya stories, 70% are of 5 to 6 stories, and only 8% are as a screen applied onto windows appeared after the 5 9 lower than that . Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517. During the The typical facades of these apartment buildings Ottoman period (1517~1805), Cairo lost its role as consist of various compositions of open balconies the capital of the Mamluk (1250~1517) and became and openings with Venetian wood shutters called a provincial seat in the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman sheesh. In response to Cairo's density and conflicting urban policy aimed to contain the expansion of Cairo social and environmental functions, people tend to and to build atop the Mamluk preexisting quarters. modify their use of these devices by keeping the sheesh continuously closed, donning a veil or adding reflecting glass, shades, or by enclosing the balcony with curtains or lattice, etc. Many researchers paid attention to this phenomenon and called for the revival of the traditional Islamic latticework mashrabiyya to solve this problem. I n e t y m o l o g y a n d d e s i g n , t h e m a s h r a b i y y a i s associated with the traditional architecture of Cairo. *Contact Author: Nermine Abdel Gelil, Doctoral Student, Graduate School of Engineering, Hosei Univ., 3-7-2 Kajino-cho, Koganei-shi, Tokyo, 184-8584, Japan Tel: +81-80-5050-6471 Fax: +81-42-387-6322 Fig.1. A Multitude of mashrabiyya in a Street in Cairo, 1870 e-mail: i04r9502@k.hosei.ac.jp (University of Chicago, Rothstein Collection) ( Received October 11, 2005 ; accepted January 26, 2006 ) Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering/May 2006/44 37 In this period, Cairo became very dense so courts common goal. and larger openings were needed to access, ventilate, The aim of this paper is to offer a proposal of what and light up the domestic quarters. However, due an improved mashrabiyya should look like. In order to to their religious conservatism and interpretation of realize such goal, three problems must be addressed: veiling , the Ottoman also required more privacy 1) its role as a veil because its meaning has changed and a separate harim (female quarters) that could not much since twentieth century Egypt, 2) environmental be seen from the outside. Accordingly, mashrabiyya problems due to Cairo's pollution which corrodes the appeared as a device for lightening and ventilating traditional mashrabiyya, and 3) economic problems the domestic spaces in the dense city while at the related to the mashrabiyya's high cost. 1 2 s a m e t i m e p r o t e c t i n g w o m e n ' s p r i v a c y. B y t h e The opportunity of my being in Japan for research nineteenth century, mashrabiyya was common to all purposes has introduced me to the Japanese latticework urban households and Cairo's facades at that time called ko ˉshi, including the townhouse latticework were characterized by the multitude of projecting machiya-go ˉshi. Because the machiya-go ˉshi has social and mashrabiyya windows (Fig.1). From the first half environmental functions similar to the mashrabiyya, of the nineteenth century, however, Muhammad Ali I suggest that incorporating design elements from (1805~1848) banned the construction of mashrabiyya m a c h i y a - g o ˉ s h i o ff e r s p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n s f o r t h e and encouraged the adoption of modern European problems of reviving the mashrabiyya in Cairo and for architecture. Gradually, the mashrabiyya disappeared adapting it for contemporary use. from Cairo and were replaced by openings with sheesh T h i s p a p e r f i r s t e x a m i n e s t h e t y p i c a l f o r m o f and balconies, which continued to be the only devices Cairo's traditional mashrabiyya. Second, it looks at offered to residents in Cairo until now. the social, environmental, and economic problems if this form is applied as it is in contemporary Cairo. T h i r d , i t d i s c u s s e s s o m e t y p e s o f m a c h i y a - g o ˉ s h i that offer solutions to these problems. Finally, it presents a preliminary proposal of how to improve the mashrabiyya for contemporary society. 2. Traditional Islamic Latticework Mashrabiyya 2.1 Form of the Traditional Mashrabiyya A t y p i c a l m a s h r a b i y y a ( F i g . 3 . ) i s m a d e o f unvarnished wood, is either flush with the external Fig.2. (a) The sheesh used in Cairo, the optimal position wall or extends out from the wall, and is composed of for blocking sunlight is undesirable with regard to the wind the following parts: 1) the main mashrabiyya opening direction, (b) the position for the optimal direction of the air composed of a lower part below eye level with fine movement in undesirable with regard of sunshine. (Fathy, 1986) turned pieces in a tight lattice pattern and an upper The problem with the sheesh has been analyzed by part above eye level with a more open lattice pattern of Hassan Fathy who explains that the shutter is made turned wood, 2) an overhang found immediately above of small fixed slats closely set in a wooden frame at the main mashrabiyya opening, and 3) a flat grilled an angle that intercepts sunrays. When the shutter is window above the overhang that was often added if the closed for privacy purposes, it completely obstructs the mashrabiyya did not provide sufficient airflow. view to the outside as well as considerably darkens the 2.2 Problems of the Traditional Mashrabiyya interior. In addition, wind flows upward uselessly over 2.2.1 Social Problems of the Mashrabiyya: the heads of the occupants as shown in Fig.2. (a). Even if the slats were arranged to direct wind downward as in Fig.2. (b), the intense sunrays of Cairo would then penetrate directly into the head of the occupants. In addition, the open balconies of most residences in Cairo do not allow women to do home activities related to the outdoor without donning their veil each time (see Fig.5.). 1 6 I n C a i r o i n 1 9 9 5 , I R C I C A a n d t h e E g y p t i a n Ministry of Culture sponsored "Crafts in Traditional I s l a m i c A r c h i t e c t u r e " a s t h e f i r s t e v e r a c a d e m i c conference to focus on the mashrabiyya. The papers and final recommendations of the conference agreed that mashrabiyya should be improved, revived and Fig.3. Right, mashrabiyya of the harim qa'a (women hall) in al- adapted to contemporary lifestyle. However, they Suhaymi house. (Photo by Tarek Swelam.) Left, mashrabiyya o ff e r e d n o s u g g e s t i o n s a s o f h o w t o r e a l i z e t h i s with an upper window, Wekala of Bazar'a. 38 JAABE vol.5 no.1 May 2006 Nermine Abdel Gelil More conservative in interpreting Qur'anic verses to wear the veil but also continued to insist on the concerning the veil than the former Mamluk, the freedom of mobility and expansion of opportunities in O t t o m a n r e g i m e a t t e m p t e d t o the workplace, universities, social affairs, and in public 28 29 control Egyptian women and the life in general. Accordingly, researchers studying the way they dressed. Veiling during contemporary veil in Cairo agree that this phenomenon the Ottoman period implied three should not be considered a "re-veiling", but rather a points. First, in addition to the "new veiling" for new purposes. veiling described in the Qur'an, A d o p t i n g t h e v e i l i n c o n t e m p o r a r y C a i r o i s a women had to cover their faces voluntary move on the part of women, meaning that no 2 0 when in public. Such veiling institution or law forces the veil upon them. However, (Fig.4.) was a means of expressing for many women, the veil is considered a religious the status and respectability of a command that must be followed because it provides woman and her family. Second, the proper degree of modesty as decreed by Allah. w o m e n h a d t o b e s e g r e g a t e d According to their interpretation of Islamic dress, Fig.4. Veiling until from men to preserve their sexual women's degree of modesty varies greatly, and there is t h e 1 9 t h a n d e a r l y purity which in turn contributed no a single veiling uniform like the older Ottoman veil. 2 0 t h C . ( L a n e , to the honor and prestige of the Within the same household and same house, females 22 1908.) family. Finally, women became expressing various degrees of modesty live side by secluded at home as a result of the wealthy's need to side. Though having to put their veil in front of the develop and maintain large households which were non-kinsmen, contemporary veiled women can mingle also a marker of status. with men and her role has been transformed from a F o r m a i n t a i n i n g t h e n o r m s o f v e i l i n g , g e n d e r passive onlooker through the mashrabiyya to an active segregation, and home seclusion, mashrabiyya were person both in and outside the home. When going out applied between the harim (female quarters) and any in public, the contemporary veil provides women with space considered public such as the street, residential their own inviolable private space. court, or qa'a (reception hall). Women's role was that Just as women in Cairo have chosen to wear the veil of an onlooker. There, they spent hours in the upper as a practical expression of their religious believes floors hidden behind the mashrabiyya, taking part in and identity, the mashrabiyya also serves a similarly the emotion of the street only from distance, watching indispensable role. However, just as the veil has the dances, and listening to Qur'an readings performed been adapted to the needs of contemporary society, in the court or the qa'a of the ground floor . The tight so too should the mashrabiyya. In fact, as it is, the pattern of the lower part in the mashrabiyya (below mashrabiyya presents a number of problems. eye level) insured a woman's invisibility because when looked at from outside it appears as a completely 2 6 opaque wall. In addition, from the house on the opposite side of the street, a woman could be seen neither through the wide pattern of the upper part (above eye level) nor through the flat window above the overhang. This is due to the rules in the shari'a (Islamic law) which stipulated the location of openings, their location in relation to the opposite house, the height of the houses, and such. Fig.5. A veiled Cairene woman Fig.6. The Keretleya house, on a modern balcony. (Photo mashrabiyya of the harim Veiling in the Ottoman period went through many by Simon Mitternacht, 2005) o v e r l o o k i n g t h e g r o u n d changes between the late-nineteenth century and floor qa'a. (The University today. Some of these changes can be stated as follows: of Liverpool Online Higher From the second half of the nineteenth century until Education) the early 1950s, Islamic reformers, feminists, and some elite women began calling for the removal of First, today a woman at home engages in many face veils in Egypt. Gamal Abdel Nasser's socialist outdoor activities such as hanging out the bedclothes policies (1956~1970) encouraged work and supported and washing, watching her children who are playing the principle of sexual equality. During this period, outside, or calling for a merchant and negotiating the women stopped wearing the veil and gradually began price of groceries. While the windows and balconies to adopt Western clothing. However, war and eventual of most residences in Cairo today do not allow women peace with Israel, discontent with Anwar Sadat's to do such outdoor activities without donning their veil economic liberation policies in the 1970s, and people's each time (Fig.5.), the traditional mashrabiyya also reconsideration of their national and Islamic identity does not allow a woman to access the outside for such have led to a wide spread rejection of Western values activities. The traditional mashrabiyya had sometimes and fashion. Since the 1980s, women began again small windows that opened upwards (Fig.6.) enabling JAABE vol.5 no.1 May 2006 Nermine Abdel Gelil 39 35 women to safely unveil when leaning their head into and shrink with changes in the temperature. 3 0 the street. However, if applied contemporarily, The lower part blocks the direct rays of Cairo's their size is too small for such activities. Therefore, a intense sunlight and reduces the glare. While the mashrabiyya that provides women real access to the o p e n n e s s o f t h e u p p e r p a r t c o m p e n s a t e s f o r t h e outside world without putting on the veil is necessary. dimming effect caused by the lower part (Fig.7.), the S e c o n d , b e c a u s e t h e r e a r e v a r i o u s d e g r e e s o f overhang on the top of the mashrabiyya intercepts modesty within the same household, the concern about direct sunrays. The pieces of wood used to form the being seen from the outside or not varies from woman lattice are made of many small rounded dowels in to woman. Even the degree of privacy desired by the order to graduate the penetrating light, softening the same woman differs according to her age, time of day, contrast between the dark wooden pieces and the and other circumstances. The traditional mashrabiyya bright interstices (Fig.8.). Furthermore, when privacy however does not have the ability of being adapted to and sunlight considerations require small interstices, various degrees of privacy. All the wooden pieces are the upper part alone does not provide suffi cient airfl ow, fi xed and so too is the degree of privacy. so the grilled fl at window above the overhang insures a Third, for wedding banquets, Ramadan dinners, and proper amount of ventilation. many other occasions held at home, women wear the veil in front of non-kinsmen, thus making the veiling of the mashrabiyya becomes redundant and unnecessary. During such events, modern windows and balconies are completely opened for ventilation purposes and u s e d f o r t a l k i n g , s m o k i n g , s i t t i n g , o r s e p a r a t i n g from the crowd. Also, the problem of heat and direct s u n l i g h t i s n o t a n i s s u e b e c a u s e t h e s e e v e n t s a r e generally held in the evening. Thus, any modifi cation of the mashrabiyya must allow for it to be opened and transformed into a modern window or balcony. This Fig.7. Mashrabiyya of the Jamal characteristic is not found in the mashrabiyya panels Fig.8. The effect of light A d - D i n A d h - D h a h a b i h o u s e , which are not removable. f a l l i n g o n a r o u n d e d showing the penetration of light Finally, because the mashrabiyya must provide light surface. (Fathy, 1986.) through the parts below and above and air while maintaining privacy, the upper part of the eye level. (Fathy, 1986.) traditional mashrabiyya and the fl at window above it had a wide pattern to compensate for the reduction in Through a process of evapo-transpiration during light and air caused by the lower part (closed pattern). t h e c o o l e v e n i n g , m o i s t u r e c a r r i e d o n t h e w i n d However, if applied to the multi-storey apartment passing through the interstices of the porous-wooden buildings of Cairo, these environmental functions will mashrabiyya (if not varnished) is absorbed by the confl ict with the need of privacy because the interior w o o d e n p i e c e s . T h e n , w h e n t h e m a s h r a b i y y a i s will be easily viewed and intruded upon by the higher directly heated by sunlight, the moisture is released fl oors of the surrounding buildings. into the air flowing in through the interstices. This 2.2.2 Environmental Problems of the Mashrabiyya: process increases the humidity within the home and According to the 2000 EIDHS, 82.9% of households consequently reduces the interior temperature. in large cities in Egypt use electric fan. This rate A l t h o u g h t h e m a s h r a b i y y a ' s e n v i r o n m e n t a l i n c r e a s e d i n t h e 2 0 0 3 E I D H S t o 9 1 . 8 % , w h i l e performance is very appropriate to Cairo's climate, air households owning air-conditioner units were only pollution is one of the main problems preventing its 31 36 11.2%. This owes to the fact that households prefer revival. The WHO and UNEP cite that the following saving in the electricity bill of which air conditioning four problems contribute greatly to Cairo's pollution: represents 32% in the hot season extending in Cairo desert dust blown into the city, lead from vehicle from April to October . The mashrabiyya, according exhaust, cement dust and heavy metal compounds from to Hassan Fathy, is the best solution for the problem of factories and smelters smoke, and the poor dispersion thermal comfort in hot arid regions because its design of the pollutants due to a lack of rain and low wind hinders the fl ow of heat into the home while enhancing speeds. These pollutants contain carbon dioxide, sulfur the cooling effect of the wind and humidity. With the dioxide, and nitric oxides that, when combined with unpopularity of air-conditioning in Cairo, the cooling the moisture in the wood of the mashrabiyya, corrode functions of the mashrabiyya would meet the needs of its intricate latticework. Moreover, the accumulation many households. o f d u s t a n d s o o t i n t h e m a s h r a b i y y a p r o d u c e s a Mashrabiyya is generally made of unvarnished thick black layer that hides its original ornamental turned pieces of wood, fixed together without glue c o m p o s i t i o n a n d r e d u c e s i t s c a p a c i t y o f e v a p o - or nails through an intricate method of joinery. This transpiration. joinery allows the wood pieces of the panels to expand 2.2.3 Economic Problems of the Mashrabiyya: 40 JAABE vol.5 no.1 May 2006 Nermine Abdel Gelil Other problem of the traditional mashrabiyya is insured the passage of air and light while allowing the its expense. The prohibitive cost of the traditional inhabitants to see and hear the comings and goings on m a s h r a b i y y a o w e s t o t h e t i m e i n t e n s i v e s k i l l e d the street without being seen by passersby. labor required to assemble one. For instance, in the 3 . 1 Machiya-goˉshi a n d S o c i a l P ro b l e m s o f t h e most intricate mashrabiyya, a single square yard of Mashrabiyya latticework can be composed of as many as 2000 In contrast to the traditional mashrabiyya panels pieces . These pieces are initially turned on a lathe which are not removable, the hamekomi-go ˉshi allows then fitted together by inserting each piece into a hole for complete openness. Generally, the machiya-go ˉshi in the adjacent pieces. Their arrangement produces a can be found in two forms: a stationary kind fixed to lattice pattern which is placed within a frame (Fig.9.). the façade like the dai-go ˉshi, and a removable kind Finally, each of these lattice frames is assembled that can be completely taken out from the window together to form its lower and upper parts. or entryway. This removable kind of lattice is called hamekomi-go ˉshi (Fig.10.) and has mullions that are Fig.9. fixed inside a frame to make a lattice that can be Different easily locked into pillars or stiles with removable Patterns of 45 pins. In festivals, such as the famous Gion festival latticework: of Kyoto, removable lattices are detached from the (a) (b) (c) facades of machiya which then become completely open (Fig.11.); in this way, a hitherto private space is (a) four pieces inserted into a central one, (b) six pieces converted into a semi-public space. inserted into a central one, and (c) eight pieces inserted into a central one. (Prisse d' Avennes, 1983) With the modernization of Cairo, however, the r e d u c e d d e m a n d f o r t h e m a s h r a b i y y a m e a n t t h e various craftsmen like wood carvers, turners, inlayers, and joiners who built them were forced to either leave their trade or adapt to a shrinking market by providing F i g . 1 0 . A d e t a i l o f t h e items primarily for tourist consumption. Nowadays, r e m o v a b l e f r a m e , p i l l a r, the construction of a simple sheesh requires little more a n d s t i l e . ( T h e a u t h o r, a than the skills of a common carpenter. survey in Kanazawa City) I n o r d e r t o a d a p t t h e m a s h r a b i y y a f o r u s e i n contemporary Cairo, its social, environmental, and Fig.11. The economic problems should be solved. In the following hamekomigo ˉshi, a façade in p a r t s , I e x a m i n e s o m e p r a c t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c Hashibenkei City, Kyoto: characteristics of the Japanese machiya-go ˉshi that can (a) before taking out the be put to use in solving these problems. lattice, (b) during the Gion Festival. (Gaiheki no isho ˉ, 3. Japanese Townhouse Latticework Machiya-goˉshi 1999) The latticework or ko ˉshi seen in Japanese cities can be found in three types of buildings: samurai residences, temples, and townhouses called machiya. Among the various kinds of stationary ko ˉshi is In this paper I focus on the ko ˉshi applied to the machiya the muso ˉ-mado. While all the wooden pieces of the that are called machiya-go ˉshi. Applying a latticework mashrabiyya are fixed and so is the degree of privacy, on the frontages of merchants and artisans' machiya the muso ˉ-mado can be easily adjusted for the desired began to appear in the late fourteenth century when degree of privacy, lighting, and airflow. This ko ˉshi chronic warfare plagued the capital of Kyoto and the is composed of two lattices: a fixed external lattice rest of the country requiring townspeople to secure their and an internal one that slides to the left or right on a machiya from the constant flow of armed strangers into grooved track (Fig.12.). By sliding the internal lattice, their communities. Under these circumstances, a sturdy the intervals of the external one can be adjusted for protecting lattice named dai-go ˉshi (stationary lattice) varying degrees of openness and closeness. began to be applied in the frontage of the machiya. Quite different in form and function is the sesame- However, as the country entered a long period of piece beginning in the seventeenth century, the necessity of ko ˉshi for security gradually shifted to an emphasis on privacy. Consequently, sophisticated lattices were Fig.12. A muso ˉ-mado, Shimane developed and applied to machiya in cities throughout Perfecture, Matsue City. Above, the country. Fitted at the boundary between the interior P l a n . ( E n g e l , 1 9 6 4 ) . R i g h t , of the house and the exterior street, these machiya-go ˉshi Elevation. (Hiyuga, 1997.) JAABE vol.5 no.1 May 2006 Nermine Abdel Gelil 41 go ˉshi or fine lattice typically found on traditional 4. Proposal for a New Mashrabiyya in Cairo teahouse or chaya (establishments for the entertainment A f t e r t a k i n g i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n i t s t r a d i t i o n a l of men) and haberdasheries. Unlike the upper part of function and design, the problems with that design, and the mashrabiyya, the sesame-go ˉshi provides lighting the potential of incorporating design elements from and airflow without decreasing the degree of privacy the Japanese machiya-go ˉshi, I offer this preliminary because its mullions are beveled and installed with p r o p o s a l ( F i g . 1 4 . ) f o r a n i m p r o v e d m a s h r a b i y y a the narrow portion facing inward and the wide portion in contemporary Cairo. Made of unvarnished slats facing outward (Fig.13.). Seen from outside, the of vertically arranged wood, this new mashrabiyya intervals between the mullions are very close thus will facilitate evapo-transpiration and reduce the a c c u m u l a t i o n o f d u s t . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e m u l l i o n s are fixed without glue or nails thus allowing the mashrabiyya to flex with temperature changes. 5. Merits of the New Mashrabiyya Considering the population density of Cairo and that the majority of families live in multi-story apartment b u i l d i n g s , t h e p r o p o s e d m a s h r a b i y y a o ff e r s t h e following advantages over both the currently used devises and the traditional mashrabiyya: Fig.13. The sasamego ˉshi: Right, Various Plans; Left, • Unlike the sheesh which blocks the direct sunrays Elevation (Nagai, 1996) and insures privacy but conflicts with the needed providing a great deal of privacy, while from the inside air, lighting, and view, the proposed mashrabiyya they are quite wide ensuring that a surprising amount provides all these while shading from sunrays and of light and air can pass through the latticework. maintaining privacy. 3.2 Machiya-goˉshi and Environmental Problems of • Unlike the modern balcony on which a woman has to the Mashrabiyya put on her veil each time, the proposed mashrabiyya T h e a d v a n t a g e o f t h e m a c h i y a - g o ˉ s h i o v e r t h e allows her to unveil while doing her daily outdoor mashrabiyya is its being less exposed to damage by activities. pollutants and being easier to maintain and clean. This • In consideration of the shari'a (Islamic law), this owes to the verticality and straightness of the machiya- proposed design maintains privacy while improving go ˉshi's construction, which reduces the horizontal airflow and lighting through the upper latticework. surface area and corners on which pollutants and dust The rules in the shari’a, which in Islamic periods tend to accumulate. The overwhelming verticality of stipulated the height of houses and the size and the machiya-go ˉshi, aside from the few horizontal slats location of openings relative to the surrounding used for reinforcing purposes, is possible because b u i l d i n g s , i n s u r e d t h a t t h e u p p e r l a t t i c e o f t h e the deep eaves of Japanese houses eliminate the need traditional mashrabiyya would improve airflow for horizontal louvers for shade . The straightness and lighting while maintaining privacy. However, of its construction derives from the use of uniformly privacy considerations are no longer followed in shaped mullions which are long slats cut or lathed modern building codes. Accordingly, the proposal into rectangular, squared, triangular, circular, or half treats the upper latticework in a way that harmonizes circular shapes. environmental and social needs. 3.3 Machiya-goˉshi and Economic Problems of the • It is adaptable to various degrees of privacy required Mashrabiyya in today's' society. And it can even be transformed The machiya-go ˉshi was initially of simple and from an interior space into an open balcony making sturdy design for protection purposes. Even after the it suitable for social events held at home. appearance of intricate latticework from the eighteenth • It is made of vertical slats with neither horizontal century onward, it has maintained its simplicity which surfaces nor corners to reduce its corrosion by means that it can be manufactured much cheaper than pollutants and to be easily maintained. the mashrabiyya. Composed of long straight slats of • It is simplified in a way that makes it easier to wood, the material for the machiya-go ˉshi is easily and construct and more affordable than the traditional quickly processed. Whereas the turning process of mashrabiyya. individual mashrabiyya pieces, though mechanized, t a k e s a l o t o f e ff o r t a n d t i m e d e p e n d i n g o n t h e 6. Conclusion craftsman's skill and experience. Once the mullions of T h i s p a p e r o f f e r s a p r e l i m i n a r y p r o p o s a l f o r the ko ˉshi are assembled into a lattice, the ends of each l a t t i c e w o r k d e r i v e d f r o m t h e t r a d i t i o n a l I s l a m i c mullion are inserted into the peripheral frames . As mashrabiyya and Japanese machiya-go ˉshi to be applied such, the number of joints for the ko ˉshi is considerably to the apartment buildings of contemporary Cairo. less than for the mashrabiyya. This new mashrabiyya is an affordable device that 42 JAABE vol.5 no.1 May 2006 Nermine Abdel Gelil Fig.14. Preliminary Proposal for a New Mashrabiyya in Cairo offers a better alternative to the inadequate sheesh and airflow, and lighting. balconies because it accounts for contemporary social In order to arrive to the appropriate measurements needs and ameliorates the climatic conditions. It also and materials for this new mashrabiyya, my future enables one to adjust freely the degree of privacy, research will involve more detailed environmental JAABE vol.5 no.1 May 2006 Nermine Abdel Gelil 43 24 P r i s s e d ' Av e n n e s , E . ( 1 9 8 3 ) A r a b A r t a s S e e n t h r o u g h t h e studies and careful study of the architectural design Monuments of Cairo from the 7th Century to the 18th. Translated by of Cairo's contemporary apartments (internal space, Erythraspis, J.I.. London: Al Saqi Books, p.186. internal heights, structural systems, Egyptian building 25 Lane, E.W. (1908) Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians. code, etc.) New York: Dutton, p.506. Fathy, H., op. cit., pp.48-49. For further information, see Fernandes, L. (1990) Habitat et Acknowledgement Prescriptions Legales. In H.T., vol. 2, pp.419-426. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to 28 For further information about the history of veil in Cairo and Egypt, Roderick I. Wilson (Stanford University) for editing see Tucker, J.E., op. cit.; Zuhur, S., op. cit.; Macleod, A.E. (1991) Accommodating Protest: Working Women, the New Veiling, and and giving advice on the organization of this paper. Change in Cairo, Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press; Macleod, A.E. (1992) Hegemonic Relations and Gender Resistance: Notes the New Veiling as Accommodating Protest in Cairo, Signs, 17 (3), Sims, D. (2003) The Case of Cairo, Egypt. Case Studies prepared pp.533-557; Mule, P. and Barthel, D. (1992) The Return to the Veil: for the UN Global Report 2003 on Human Settlements. London: The Individual Autonomy vs. Social Esteem, Sociological Forum, 7 (2), Development Planning Unit (DPU), University College London, 3. pp.323-332; Badran, op. cit., pp.11-20. www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report Ahmed, L. (1992) Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots Yousri, M. and Aboul Atta, T.A. (1997) The Challenge of Urban of a Modern Debate, London: Yale University Press; Zuhur, S., Growth in Cairo. In Rakodi, C. (ed.) The Urban Challenge in Africa, op. cit.; El Guindi, F., op. cit.; Mule, P. and Barthel, D., op. cit.; Tokyo: United Nations University Press, p.21. Hoffman-Ladd, V.J. (1987) Polemics in Modesty and Segregation in E 1- Z a n a t y, F. a n d Wa y A . A . ( 2 0 0 4 ) 2 0 0 3 E g y p t I n t e r i m Contemporary Egypt. International Journal of Middle East Studies, Demographic and Health Survey (EIDHS). Cairo: Ministry of 19 (1), pp.23-50; Macleod, A.E. (1991), op. cit.; Werner, K. (1997) Health and Population, National Population Council, E1-Zanaty and Between Westernization and the Veil: Contemporary Lifestyles of Associates, and ORC Macro, pp.3-4. Women in Cairo, Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. GOPP (1983) The Urban Development Plan, Year 2000: Greater Prisses d'Avennes, E., op. cit., p.256. Cairo Region. Cairo: General Organization for Physical Planning, in No available information about air conditioners in the 2000 EIDHS. Yousri, M. & Aboul Atta, T.A., op. cit., p.23. See E1-Zanaty, F. and Way A.A. (2001) 2000 EIDHS, pp.22-23; E1- Aziz S. et al. (2001) Residential Building Survey in Cairo and Zanaty, F. and Way A.A. (2004) 2003 EIDHS, op. cit., pp.9-10. Alexandria. Cairo: Housing and Building Research Center. Rona, N. (2004) Solar Air-Conditioning Systems. Göteborg: Behrens-Abouseif, D. (1991) Mashrabiyya. In the Encyclopedia of Chalmers University of Technology, p.1. Islam New Edition (hereafter E.I.), vol.6. Leiden: Brill E.J., p.718. The highest temperature is 43° C with an avg. of 26° C. ASHRAE Ibid., p.717. (2001) International Weather for Energy Calculations IWEC Kenzari, B. and Elsheshtawy, Y. (2003) The Ambiguous Veil: Weather Files) User Manual and CD-ROM. Atlanta: ASHRAE. On Transparency, the Mashrabiy'ya, and Architecture. Journal of For its environmental functions see Fathy, H., op. cit., pp.47-49. Architectural Education, 56 (4), p.22. Behrenz-Abouseif, D. (1991), op. cit., p.718. Behrens-Abouseif, D. (1991), op. cit., 719. About the history of the Air Pollution in the World's Mega-cities, Report from United mashrabiyya see also Revault, J. (1988) l'Architecture Domestique Nations Environment Programme and World Health Organization au Caire a l'Epoque Ottomane. In l'Habitat Traditionnel dans les (1992). Blackwell Publishing, pp.10-11. Pays Musulmans autour de la Mediterranee (hereafter H.T.), vol.1. Abdel Hadi, M. (2000) Wad' al Mashrabiyya. In CTIA, p.160. Cairo: Institut Francais d' Archeologie Orientale, pp.56-58. Spencer, J. (1992) Mashrabeya: an Architectural Language. Journal Behrens-Abouseif, D. (1990) Note sur la Fonction de la Cour dans of Arts and the Islamic World, p.21, p.52. la Maison Moyenne du Caire Ottoman. In H.T., vol.2, p.411. For further information about the construction of a mashrabiyya El Guindi, F. (1999) Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance. Oxford: see Maury, B. et al. (1983) Palais et Maisons du Caire II Epoque Berg, p.104. Ottomane. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Behrenz-Abouseif, D. (1990), op. cit., 416. Revault, J. (1988) pp.354-359. Reflexions sur l'Architecture Domestique en Afrique du Nord et en Behrenz-Abouseif, D. (1991), op. cit., p.718. Spencer, J., op. cit., Orient, In H.T., vol.1, pp.319-320. p.52. Behrenz-Abouseif, D. (1991), op. cit., p.718. Nagai, N. (1996) Machiya no Ko ˉshi. In Ko ˉshi no Omote Gamae. Abu-Lughod, J. (1971) Cairo: 1001 Years of the City Victorious. Kyoto: Gakugei Shuppansha, p.5. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p.94. Hiyuga, S. (1988) Monogatari mono no kenchikushi: Mado no Fathy, H. (1986) Vernacular Architecture: Principles and Examples Hanashi. Tokyo: Kashima Shuppan kai, p.13 and pp.101-102. with Reference to Hot Arid Climates. Chicago: The University of Ando, K. (1997) Fu ˉdo to Kurashi no Katachi. In Mado: Nihon no Chicago Press, p.45. Katachi. Tokyo: Itagarasu Kyoukai, pp.100-101. The Research Centre for Islamic History, Art, and Culture in Nakagawa, T. (2002) Nohon no Ie. Tokyo: Toto Shuppan, pp.59-62. Istanbul. Hiyuga, S., op. cit., p.102. See Crafts in Traditional Islamic Architecture with Special Focus on Hiyuga, S., op. cit., p.102. Wafu ˉKenchiku Shilˉ izu5: Gaiheki no Isho ˉ Mashrabiyya and Stucco Colored Glass: Present State and Future (1999). Tokyo: Kenchiku Shiryo ˉ Kenkyu ˉsha, p.22. Prospects (2000). Proceedings of the international seminar held in Engel, H. (1964) The Japanese House: a Tradition for Contemporary Cairo, 3-9 December 1995 (hereafter CTIA). Istanbul: IRCICA. Architecture. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co., pp.154-155. Hiyuga, S. Fathy, H., op. cit., pp.47-49. (1997) Nihon no Mado. Kyoto: Tanko ˉsha, p.46. El Guindi, F., op. cit., p.104. Hiyuga, S. (1988), op. cit., p.90. Encyclopedia of Architecture and Chelhod, J. (1990) Hidjab. In E.I., vol.3, p.359. Building (Kenchiku Daijiten) (1993). 2nd ed. Tokyo: Sho ˉkokusha, El Guindi, F., op. cit., 104. Zuhur, S. (1992) Revealing Reveiling: p.575. Islamic Gender Ideology in Contemporary Egypt, New York: State Hiyuga, S. (1988), op. cit., p.91; Nagai, N., op. cit., p.7. University of New York Press, p.39. Nishihara, K. (1968) Japanese Houses: Patterns for Living. Tokyo: Badran, M. (1988) The Feminist Vision in the Writings of Three Japan Publications, Inc., p.83. Turn-of-the-Century Egyptian Women. Bulletin (British Society of They are inserted without glue or nails in order to better withstand Middle Eastern Studies), 15 (1/2), p.12. earthquakes and typhoons, see Mokuzo ˉ no Sho ˉsai: 4 Tategu Zo ˉ Tucker, J.E. (1983) Problems in the Historiography of Women in the sakuhen (1968). Sho ˉkokusha, p.10, p.39, pp.54-55. Middle East: the Case of Nineteenth-Century Egypt. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 15 (3), p.330. 44 JAABE vol.5 no.1 May 2006 Nermine Abdel Gelil
Journal
Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering
– Taylor & Francis
Published: May 1, 2006
Keywords: Mashrabiyya; Islamic latticework; Japanese machiya-goshi; Cairo; veil
