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Creation, management and devaluation – examining the workings of the seventeenth-century meadow economy in southern Sweden Creation, management and devaluation – examining the workings of the seventeenth-century meadow...
Franzén, Ådel; Jacobsson, Oscar
2023-01-02 00:00:00
Creation, management and devaluation – examining the workings of the seventeenth-century meadow economy in southern Sweden * ** Ådel Franzén and Oscar Jacobsson Jönköping County Museum, adel.franzen@jkpglm.se ** Dept of Human Geography, Stockholm University, oscar.jacobsson@humangeo.su.se (corresponding author) ABSTRACT low transaction costs incurred by institutions related to meadow land use at this time. It was often the outlying Meadow land use has been the object of very limited meadows that appeared in court proceedings, most historical research in Sweden, as most studies have likely related to these meadows not being contiguous to focused on ecological or functional aspects. Research the rest of the land of the person using them as well as on the economy of meadows is rare. This paper these meadows having a more dynamic owner / usership addresses this issue by studying the investment in, history compared to ine fi ld meadows. and management of, meadows in seventeenth-century Sweden considering landesque capital, a concept keywords referring to long-term investments in land through Landesque capital, meadow land, meadow eonomy, labour. We also examine the local economic institutions sixteenth and seventeenth century, southern Sweden developed to handle this type of capital. By analysing seventeenth-century century court records from the INTRODUCTION districts of Östra, Redväg and Kind, a more complete picture emerges of the processes and contexts in which On November 18, 1630, a legal examination was meadows were created, managed and devalued / performed of the flood meadows ‘Reppe maer’ revalued over time. Meadow capital was constantly in the parish of Norra Åsarp in western Sweden under threat of degeneration due to biophysical after protests from local farmers. The bailiff of processes, and this paper explores the die ff rent strategies the noblewoman Margareta Brahe had unlawfully used to handle this problem. Outlying meadows were mowed all the hay and brought it in for storage in often more flexible in terms of ownership and were often his mistress’s homestead Lönnarp, to the detriment used by others when abandoned, either by agreement or of the farms that originally held all the legal rights surreptitiously, which frequently led to future ownership to these meadows. Margareta Brahe claimed that conifl cts. The comparatively limited number of cases Reppe maer had originally been placed under the relating to meadows nonetheless emphasises the fairly estate of Lönnarp, which was now in her possession. © 2023 Society for Landscape Studies DOI: 10.1080/01433768.2023.2196124 84 landscape history This was not, however, the first time that the discussed together with regularities and irregularities ownership of these meadows had been disputed in in the dispersion of fields, furlongs and strips, as a court proceeding. In 1617, the farmers owning well as different taxation systems based on arable the rights to Reppe maer were given a royal letter as land (Dovring 1947; Ericsson 2012). The yearly proof of their rightful possession, which was shown rotation between fallow and sown fields and the to the court. Furthermore, no documents existed origin of fixed fallow in different parts of Sweden stating that these meadows belonged to the estate and Denmark have been a focal point for research of Lönnarp. The court thus decided that Margareta for a long time (Frandsen 1983; Jansson 1998, Brahe had to return the hay to its rightful owners, 2005; Vestbö-Franzén 2004). who had the full legal rights to these meadows. Systematic studies are still lacking on meadows, The case above clearly indicates the important which through their intimate relation to manure role that meadows played in the local economy served as the basis of pre-industrial agriculture during this period. A meadow in this context is (see section ‘The Swedish Meadow’ below). defined as ‘grass (i.e. graminoid, including sedges) Internationally, the study of historical meadow and /or herb-dominated land, with or without a land use is currently on the rise (e.g. Lennartsson sparse cover of trees and shrubs, which historically et al. 2016; Pearson & Soar 2018; Spulerova et were managed for production of livestock fodder, al. 2019; Renes et al. 2019; Vázquez 2020). In hay’ (Eriksson 2020, p. 1). Hay was generally a vital Sweden, historical meadows have predominantly resource in agriculture at the time and was used to been studied in a practical or ecological sense as feed domestic livestock kept in stalls during the part of the agricultural system (e.g. Aronsson 1979; winter, which in turn yielded manure in the spring Ekstam et al. 1988; Lennartsson & Westin 2019) for the intensively cultivated arable fields. In this or through a focus on the origin and development region in particular, which had been involved in of meadow land use (e.g. Eriksson 2020). Studies trade with animal products and oxen at least since focusing on the economic role of meadows are far less common. Notable exceptions include studies the sixteenth century (Palm 1997), animals served an even more central economic function for the of the colonisation of northern Sweden during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, where access to local farmers. The fact that Margareta Brahe tried to claim Reppe maer, which was a large meadow meadows along the major rivers has been seen as a fundamental factor (Campbell 1948; Frödin 1952). shared among several settlements in the area, reflects the nature of meadows as a form of capital that For earlier periods, studies have primarily focused on the role of meadows in agrarian expansion, under certain circumstances was sought after and contested. Furthermore, meadows could potentially settlement establishment and cattle husbandry (Sjöbeck 1947; Frödin 1954; Egerbladh 1987; function by helping to increase production in order to yield surpluses. Myrdal & Söderberg 1991, p. 495ff). These studies are also concentrated in eastern and northern This paper focuses on these economic aspects of seventeenth-century meadow land use in Sweden Sweden. This paper, however, concerns areas and time periods in which the wider economic role and analyses the ways in which meadows were handled in a local economic and institutional of meadows remains unstudied, and it is our goal to contribute additional insights concerning such context. Previous research in agrarian history, human geography and archaeology has given aspects of meadow land use in Sweden. Our principal goal is therefore to investigate the considerable attention to arable land (view the summary in Hannerberg 1971; Pedersen et al. 1998; primary economic characteristics of meadow land use in Sweden during the period from 1600–1670 Myrdal 1999; Gadd 2000; Helmfrid 2000; Jupiter 2020). Different forms of division of land, such through the use of historical-geographical source material. We have chosen to view the meadow as as solskifte, bolskifte and fritt stångfall, have been creation, management and devaluation 85 a landesque capital, i.e. a long-term investment in meadows, as well as comparisons to other land uses, the form of labour and measures of improvement, such as arable and swidden cultivation. A specific with specific characteristics related to the specific feature of meadow investments is temporality, conditions of this land use. We analyse the local which is explicitly analysed in this paper. Another economic institutions governing meadow land goal is also to demonstrate how district court records use and link these to the ways in which meadow in combination with large-scale cadastral maps capital was handled and circulated, showing how the can be used effectively in the historical study of meadow economy relates to a larger societal context. meadows and landscape history in general. We also discuss the differences between types of e Th areas chosen for this study consist of three Fig. 1. Overview map of the studied areas. Coordinates in WGS84. 86 landscape history districts (Sw. Härader) in southern Sweden: Kind, inscription on a whetstone from Norway dated Redväg and Östra (Fig. 1). These areas do not to c. 500 a.d. describes how the whetstone is represent the fully cultivated plains but rather moistened in the hollowed horn filled with water the border zone between the plains and the forest and how the scythe then battles with the grass (Redväg district) and the forest-dominated south (Kolås 2012; Herschend 2020, pp. 82–5), clearly Swedish uplands (Kind and Östra district). By showing that the main components of meadow analysing source material from these areas, however, land use existed at this time. The origin of meadows we can find common patterns and traits that can be created and maintained solely for the purpose of applied with validity over a larger area. These districts fodder collection in fixed places on the landscape is share many similar characteristics and are located also revealed through pollen analysis. Such analyses in or on the margins of the region called the South reveal that the dating of successive clearings of the Swedish uplands. They were all dominated by cattle landscape, in which meadow indicators (herbs and farming in the medieval and early modern period grasses) are present, varies in the region of southern and used an annual cropping system (with some Sweden. While permanent meadows likely existed three-course rotation in Östra), which was heavily during the first centuries a.d. on the southern reliant on manure. Meadows were, as a consequence, plains, the same process is reflected in the pollen the basis of this agrarian system but yet have been samples around the time 1000–1200 a.d. in the the object of very limited previous research. uplands (Berglund et al. 2002). In the early modern period, which is the focus of this study, meadows were an important part of all THE SWEDISH MEADOW agricultural systems in Sweden. The economy was The history of meadows in Europe is tied to the largely locally self-sufficient, and hay, in particular, history of stalling practices. A meadow is primarily was not sold on the market but intended exclusively a means to produce a surplus of fodder that can for local use. The area covered by infield meadows be used to feed animals that are often stalled varied depending on geographical context, being during the winter (Mazoyer & Roudart 2006, the lowest on the agricultural plains and largest p. 259ff). Stalling has also been closely tied to in forested regions, especially in the north of the the establishment of permanent arable fields or country (Eriksson 2020, p. 2). While in other an intensification of arable farming, where stalled countries, such as in England, meadows were animals would produce manure that was utilised usually found on floodplains or low-lying terrain for fertilisation (Pedersen & Widgren 2011, p. 48ff; (Williamson 2003, p. 163ff; Williamson 2012, Widgren 2012). Meadows are thus generally part p. 201ff; Mazoyer & Roudart 2006, pp. 272–3), of a system in which fodder, stalling and manured but in Sweden, meadows were spread in wider fields closely were interacting with each other. In geographical contexts. Apart from the hay produced 1663, the author Schering Rosenhane described on wet and dry meadows, leaves from coppiced the relationship between meadows and fields as ‘the trees were also used as animal fodder. It was not meadow is the mother of arable land’ (Rosenhane only the infields that were used for meadow lands. 1944 [1663]; Lennartsson et al. 2016). It is thus well Outland grazing was extensive in Sweden, and other known that meadows were the basis of pre-modern forms of forest use were common. In particular, northern European agricultural systems. wetlands in forests were often used as meadows, The collection of fodder for livestock in Sweden and areas cleared through swidden agriculture for seems to have its roots in the Bronze Age (Eriksson grain cultivation were transitioned into meadows or 2020), whereas the stalling of animals (Petersson grazing patches (Craelius 1986 [1774]; Lennartsson 2006) and the introduction of scythes for mowing & Westin 2019, pp. 32–33). Such outlying and distant meadows were especially important in forest are Iron Age phenomena (Myrdal 1982). A runic creation, management and devaluation 87 regions (Campbell 1948; Frödin 1952) but have those relating to the movement / improvement of also been an integrated part of the agricultural soils and the movement of stones. ‘Green’ landesque system in more transitional regions (e.g. Granlund capital in the form of vegetation changes is less well 1969). Meadows in Sweden were consequently conceptualised (Börjesson 2014). Börjesson argues dynamic in character in relation to topography, that this leads to an underemphasis on incremental location and land use practices. change, by which the work of farmers often has unintended effects, prompting further changes. We must therefore include ‘any investment […] that APPROACHING THE MEADOW AS increases land capability through the moderation LANDESQUE CAPITAL of local biophysical processes (ibid., p. 265)’ in This paper uses the concepts of landesque capital our definition of landesque capital. In a recent and economic institutions to analyse the historical paper, such a conceptualisation is used to define economic function of meadows. These concepts are the management of productive forests as a process used as tools to further the analysis and understand of landesque capital accumulation (Börjesson & how the meadow economy fit into a wider societal Ango 2021). context. The process of incremental and small-scale Landesque capital is a concept popularised and changes through investments in ‘green’ landesque developed into a relational-geographical concept by capital is applicable to the present study of pre- Harold Brookfield in 1984 and has subsequently modern meadow land use. In pre-modern Swedish been used to analyse the ways in which human farming, farmers strove mainly to maintain long- investments in land promote productivity in term production rather than to implement large-scale relation to political economy and capital circulation modifications. Farming households based primarily (Widgren & Håkansson 2014). The traditional on local subsistence production made investments definition of the concept refers to ‘any investment in in land when household consumption demands land with an anticipated life well beyond that of the increased, economic circumstances changed or new present crop, or crop cycle’ (Blaikie & Brookfield technologies decreased the workload and facilitated 1987, p. 9). Such investments, manifested in the an increase in living standards (Chayanov 1966, p. form of anthropogenic soils, terraces, ditches, dykes 6). The establishment of a meadow was largely reliant or irrigation systems, are considered a form of fixed on long-term vegetation management, including a capital created through different forms of human labour-intensive clearing process of trees, shrubs and labour and with long-lasting effects. However, it is stones as well as yearly maintenance measures such not these features themselves that constitute this as the clearing / burning of leaves and twigs during springtime or maintaining ditches that regulate capital, which instead becomes capital only through ‘their economic relationship to prevailing economic water flow. In contrast to more permanent features, such as clearance cairns and terraces, the reliance on and technological contexts’ (Widgren & Håkansson 2014, p. 10). This means that this capital can also continuous management of vegetation also meant that an abandoned meadow returned relatively be devalued if the context changes. Investments in landesque capital can be either systematic such rapidly to its original pre-clearance state. Meadow hay was part of wider economic circulations through as major transformations through large labour mobilisation or incremental, for example, through livestock and its secondary products, such as butter and hides but also through manure, which in turn gradual changes that transform a landscape (ibid., pp. 16–17). Likewise, we can also argue that the supported crop cultivation. In the studied areas, the livestock export economy was connected to both process of devaluation may assume similar forms. Landesque capital as a concept has been primarily the taxation system and local subsistence strategies. It is therefore possible and fruitful to conceptualise deployed in studies of physical features, such as 88 landscape history the meadow and its connected work processes as a mediary action (North & Thomas 1973; North green landesque capital. 1991). In a pre-capitalist society, an economic However, landesque capital is often associated institution can emerge as an unwritten or codie fi d with the enhancement and enrichment of soil agreement between stakeholders to avoid conifl ct. (Widgren & Håkansson 2014; Börjesson 2014). Such agreements tend to strive towards low transac- The dry meadow is a paradox in this aspect, as tion costs, which are the ‘costs’ (or the effort) necessary nutrients are constantly removed from the meadow to execute agreements within an institutional through the yearly removal of biomass (Aronsson framework such as the administrative costs involved, 1979). After mowing, the meadow was opened for which in turn affect economic decision-making grazing, with further depletion of nutrients, even if (Dahlman 1980, p. 79)ff . Economic institutions, a small amount of nitrogen was returned through such as meadow capital, often evolve incrementally animal spilling. A variety of measures were practised and are adapted to specic fi conditions at a specic fi to add nitrogen to the soil when necessary, such as time (North 1991). In this framework, property by letting a part of the meadow rest for one year rights reefl ct the dieff rent ways assets are owned, or more, by disturbance regimes such as burning used or decided over and are seen as endogenous of the turf, or by the cultivation of temporary to the local context under study and consequently small arable fields in the meadow (Ekstam et al. are a valuable point on which to focus for analysis 1988). The nutrition balance was not a problem (Dahlman 1980, p. 66–7). in the wet meadows, which were regularly fertilised Institutions can operate relatively smoothly, as by flood sediments (Aronsson 1979). Nonetheless, long as conflicts that arise can be solved locally the temporality of meadow investments, if left inside the by-law or directly between the people unmanaged, is one of the primary characteristics involved. Interference from the outside in the of meadow capital in relation to other forms of form of regulations can lead to the elimination of landesque capital. This paper examines how this an institution, but abandonment can also depend on rising transaction costs (Dahlman 1980). In the feature of meadow capital was handled in pre- modern Sweden and what the results were in present context, this means that when an agreement cannot be reached locally, a conflict can be brought relation to social institutions such as ownership and usage rights. before the district court (Sw: häradsrätt), which is the lowest judicial level. In such a case, the cost of Social institutions are an integrated part of landesque capital that limit human labour utilising the institution rises, and with an enhanced number of trials, the transaction costs may exceed investments (Börjesson 2014, p. 253). For example, institutions in the form of pre-existing agreements the cost of the preservation of the institution. This means that it is also possible to test the relative between landholders limit what investments can be made and where. In this paper, we propose volume of transaction costs between different types of land use, for example, between swidden that the specific characteristics of different types of meadow capital may have a reciprocal effect on the cultivation, meadows and arable fields. By doing so, we can scrutinise the relative effectiveness of institutional level. This is exemplified by outlying meadows, which seem to have been more dynamic local institutions relating to meadow land use and compare different types of meadow cases. in terms of ownership and use, in turn resulting in local institutions for conflict management. We The present paper builds on the close connection between investments in meadow land use and local focus on the economic institutions at work locally as opposed to vertical institutions affecting the local economic institutions. While the general economic function of meadows in the northern European area at a regional or national level (Vestbö-Franzén 2012). context is well known, this framework enables a close inspection of the ways in which meadows Institutions exist to facilitate economic inter- creation, management and devaluation 89 were locally established, managed and abandoned and the analysis is thus based on approximately in relation to localised subsistence agriculture. 130 cases out of thousands. Nonetheless, these cases yield significant insight into local conflicts regarding meadows. To geographically situate the METHOD meadows taken up in the district courts, large-scale The analysis in this paper is based on two primary cadastral maps from approximately 1630–1750 source materials: court records and historical maps. were surveyed. This material is mainly based on Court records are used for studying local conflicts an intensive survey initiated by the Crown during regarding meadows, and historical maps make it the period of 1630–1650, which gave rise to possible to locate the meadows in question, describe approximately 12,000 large-scale cadastral maps their character, and gain a fuller understanding of from farms and hamlets in large parts of Sweden geographical factors influencing these conflicts. (Tollin 2021). Mapping Sweden was the purview Swedish law has been seen as part of a Scandina vian of the Crown, which meant that farms or manors legal family, and the district courts a continuation belonging to the nobility lacked large-scale maps and development of a local jurisdic tion system with from this period, with the exemption of when a much older history. Lay dominance in the jury nobility engaged surveyors themselves in order gave the court local legitimacy (Korpiola 2014), to map their holdings. Cadastral maps provide and most disputes both between lay persons and an opportunity to study where meadow land was authorities were historically handled at this level situated in the farm or hamlet domain. Here, (Larsson 2016, p. 1104). The proceedings were led meadows are described as dry, wet, stony or well by either a circuit judge or, more often, a lay judge cleared. One disadvantage is that most of these early who was a trusted person from the district. maps only depict the infield areas but read together Records from district courts are a rich source for with the next generation of maps from between agrarian history. They summarise the negotiations 1680 and 1740, an overall picture of meadows in and judicial decisions of the court. Only a few infield and outlying land can be obtained. books have survived from the end of the sixteenth By combining these source materials, the century, but beginning with the seventeenth century, cases raised in the district courts are given a volumes of records exist from almost each year’s geographic context, which enables a more complete winter, summer and autumn courts. In this paper, understanding of different dimensions of meadow court records for the districts of Kind, Redväg and resources, both economically and socially. Östra were surveyed for cases relating to meadows. The years studied vary depending on the availability THE LOCAL ECONOMY IN THE SIXTEENTH of the material (see Table 1). Trials concerning AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES meadows during these years are comparatively few, The agrarian economy of the early modern period was largely based on subsistence production in a TABLE 1. STUDIED COURT RECORDS, RECORDS feudal tradition where wealth was solely tied to MARKED WITH * EXCERPTED BY ELISABETH land but contained varying degrees of exchange. GRÄSLUND BERG, DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN Most necessities were produced in the household, GEOGRAPHY, STOCKHOLM UNIVERSITY. such as food, textiles, leather, and tools, while Court records: studied years (minor gaps ignored) other resources, such as salt and iron, as well as some services, had to be purchased (Gadd 2011, Kind 1598–1611, 1618–1648 p. 130). Coins circulated in both local and regional Redväg 1618, 1629–1647 geographical frames in this context, where money Östra 1594–95, 1619–30, 1646–1655, 1662-65* was used for fines and purchases at town markets 90 landscape history (Vestbö-Franzén 2012). In the sixteenth century, a nutrients to the soil, and stalled animals fed meadow part of the Crown’s tax was often paid in money, hay during the winter were a highly important both the main tax and the traditional fodringen source. Animal husbandry was consequently a (originally fodder for a certain number of animals, local specialisation. In Östra and Redväg, physical- later often paid with money, Brunius 2011, p. 73). geographical conditions were more advantageous, Surpluses from farming households were primarily and arable fields per farm were slightly larger than invested in items such as silver spoons, which in Kind (GEORG 2021), indicating that these served as savings but also played a role in social areas were somewhat less specialised than Kind was life (Myrdal & Söderberg 1991, pp. 94–7). The during the mid-seventeenth century. Husbandry Swedish nobility used its surplus for gifts to specialisation is apparent in all areas when taxes and churches, clothing, houses, feasts, and horses, while rents are mentioned in seventeenth-century court productive investments were limited (Ferm 1990). documents, and butter played a significant role. This context established the farming conditions Meadows became increasingly important in in the areas studied of Kind, Redväg and Östra. the local economy of Kind, Redväg and Östra in Physical geographical similarities are significant in the early modern period. The sixteenth and early all of the districts, with a domination of glacial till seventeenth centuries were generally a period of soils and larger rivers with floodplains historically expanding animal husbandry in the areas studied. used as wet meadows. In Kind and Redväg, however, These districts were highly involved in long-distance settlements were typically located closer to the trade with oxen, which were primarily exported rivers themselves, while in Östra, settlements were to the region of Bergslagen further north, where usually disconnected from the floodplain by a tract the iron industry had started to flourish at this of forested land and pastures. The climate in Östra time (Myrdal & Söderberg 1991, p. 484ff). The is also characterised by colder winters and drier Crown was the primary actor on this stage during summers, while annual precipitation is higher in the sixteenth century, but especially during the Kind and Redväg. In Kind, single farms dominated, seventeenth century town merchants started to while in Redväg and Östra, most farms were located dominate instead (ibid, pp. 454, 483). According to in hamlets. In Redväg, however, the hamlets were Lennart Andersson Palm, the increasing importance usually larger (see Table 2). Arable farming in these of animal production in western Sweden continued areas was characterised by annual cropping, where into the eighteenth century and meant that arable a variant of convertible husbandry in Kind and fields were gradually transformed into meadows or Redväg existed to some degree but was limited to were deserted. In the early modern period, both settlements using a three-course rotation in Östra. Kind and Redväg were thus not self-sufficient in This intensive agrarian system with limited fallow grain production (which was the primary food) but periods required large amounts of manure to return used their production advantage to exchange animal products for grains on the domestic market (Palm TABLE 2. SETTLEMENT CHARACTERISTICS 1998). The economy of Östra is less well researched IN THE STUDIED AREAS IN THE MID- in this particular regard but it likely followed a SEVENTEENTH CENTURY (DATA FROM similar development pattern. THE DATABASE GEORG 2021, RA). In summary, meadows played a significant part in the local economies by enabling intensive arable Proportion of the total number cadastral farms in farming, but more importantly, they served as a hamlets or single farms basis for specialisation in animal husbandry and Kind Redväg Östra produced commodities such as oxen and butter. Singe farms 59.15% 27.65% 29.85% This combined function serves as a background Hamlets 40.85% 72.35% 70.15% for understanding meadows as a form of landesque creation, management and devaluation 91 capital, which was created and circulated in local similar technological conditions. According to society in varying ways. In the next sections, Craelius, the clearing of a meadow depended largely meadows as landesque capital are explored further. on the vegetation. Dry meadows were primarily created through swidden cultivation on areas of pine, spruce, birch, and juniper vegetation. The CLEARING THE MEADOWS — THE vegetation was first burnt and then protected by CREATION OF MEADOW CAPITAL wooden fences. Then, the soil was cultivated with Landesque capital is created through lasting land- grains for one year and left unused for two more scape modic fi ations, such as the building of terraces, years, after which it could be used either as meadow irrigation systems and stone and vegetation clearing. or pasture (Craelius 1986 [1774], pp. 165–6). Meadows leave more ambiguous traces in the Wet meadows were created on forested wetlands, landscape since the production of a meadow usually dominated by spruce and alder trees. In does not necessarily entail direct topographical dry years, or where conditions allowed, a burning interventions such as terraces or ditches. Meadows technique was used in a manner similar to the dry are diverse in character over time and space, with meadow. However, where the soil was too wet to large variations in their characteristics in different permit burning, tree stubs were gradually made to parts of the landscape as well as in different time rot through the repeated cutting of saplings. The periods and regions of Sweden. This means that technique based on the cutting of roots common, the ways in which landesque capital is manifested for example, in the province of Dalarna, seems not in the form of meadows vary but so do the ways to have been in use in eighteenth-century Småland in which that capital is maintained. (ibid., pp. 162–3). The creation of a meadow first depends on the If the clearing of meadows depended on a motive need for hay. As noted in the background section, and available techniques, it was also reliant on meadows are generally closely interlinked with institutions regulating the right to take up new land. arable farming through the manure produced by Such rights were most likely often handled by local stalled animals. More manure and consequently institutions such as through bylaws, which were more meadows were needed to expand arable established by the local community that came to farming in a given area or when intensifying agreements through a process of regulating customs. arable farming, by increasing yields per acre and It was only in cases where local institutions failed concentrating arable land into smaller fields. to handle such things and conflicts subsequently emerged that a higher level of law was applied. The Another aspect is that larger hay yields also enable the production of a larger herd of livestock, which oldest medieval provincial laws from Västergötland make it clear that clearing land was not possible can be a goal in itself. The practice of meadow clearing is somewhat without some form of collective agreement between landowners in a hamlet or village (Ohlmarks 1976, difficult to trace. It is only in the seventeenth and especially eighteenth centuries that reliable pp. 366, 431). Magnus Eriksson’s law of the realm (Landslag), valid from 1350 until 1734, states that sources start to appear. One of the most detailed descriptions comes from the districts of Tunalän, farmers were not allowed to take up arable land or meadow on a hamlet pasture without any previous Sevede and Aspeland in 1772, written by the district bailiff Magnus Gabriel Craelius. The described land allotment. It was allowed to clear the forest for swidden cultivation, but only three years of districts are situated immediately to the east of the district of Östra, which most likely makes them sowing was permitted, after which the clearing was returned to village ownership. If a forest clearing applicable for the studied areas as well, as they share many similar characteristics. This description is also was meant to be more permanent, allotment among the landholders was necessary (Holmbäck & Wessén most likely valid for older periods of time during 92 landscape history 1962, p. 115). This points to the complicated Högsby in the county of Kalmar (Granlund 1969). nature of taking up new meadows within a settled Several cases from the 1660s in Östra connect community and reflects that this was often at least the clearing of meadows to the felling and burning legally considered a collective action. Single farms of oak trees, which was highly restricted by the law. would not have faced similar problems but were Oaks were considered the Crown’s property, but likely more restricted by the limited workforce their felling and burning could be granted upon available for such tasks. request (Hill & Töve 2003, p. 76), which was the A case from the district court of Östra illustrates case in Östra at this time. Most likely, this situation this point, when a tenant under the nobleman can be interpreted as a response to an increasing Gustaf Stråle had taken the liberty to clear a pressure for the clearing of dry meadows at this meadow lying close to the nobleman’s odal-meadow time but also shows the vertical relations connected (‘odal’ is a term referring to a plot of land that has to meadow clearing. long belonged to a property). According to the The clearing of meadows was regulated through Landslag, it was illegal for a single peasant to clear customs, by-laws and the overarching juridical and fence arable land or a meadow. Instead, a new system and was also set in an economic and clearing had to be divided between all the peasants a technological context. Collective effort and in the hamlet based on their share in the hamlet’s agreement were needed in the creation of meadow tax measure unit. The tenant’s hay was sequestrated, capital in cases when land was shared or used by and the other members of the by-law community several farming households. Disagreements could were urged to clear meadows from common land also occur between neighbouring settlements in proportion to their shares. This was done, and regarding border uncertainties. The next sections the sequestration on the hay was resolved. If the examine how meadow capital, once created, was shareholders could not agree on how large their maintained or devalued over time and how certain individual shares were, an official allotment could practices developed in relation to this. be undertaken. This agreement was authorised by the district court in November 1650 (Östra THE DEVALUATION AND MAINTENANCE OF häradsrätt 1650). MEADOW CAPITAL Collective efforts of meadow clearing were apparently allowed by the law but were regulated In June 1647, the lay judges in Kind district by local customs. A case from 1643 in Kind shows testified, after a survey on the farm Å (Holsljunga how a collective effort by several settlements in parish), that the farm was to be considered a ‘tax meadow clearing was handled and developed over wreck’ (Sw: skattevrak) and should be devaluated to time. This case concerned a meadow that had been half of its former taxable value. The meadow was created from an earlier pasture shared between the overgrown with heather, and although the arable settlements Börsbo, Bredared, Hägnen and Lid. land was small, it could not be provided with The work was conducted by farmers in Bredared, manure ‘because of the scantiness of the meadow’ Hägnen and Lid, and the meadow was then (Kinds häradsrätt 1647). divided among these units. This case also shows Legal cases clearly illuminate the need for the importance of continuous land use — for meadow land. It was not lack of arable land or example, through maintaining fences — to uphold livestock, or money that decided the fate of the land rights. In 1643, the dispute concerned the fact farm Å, but the meadow that had turned to waste. that Hägnen had abandoned its use of the meadow, On the cadastral map from 1718, the farm is which instead had been taken up by Bredared still denoted as deserted, meaning not that it was (Kinds häradsrätt 1643). This procedure is similar unsettled but rather that it was unable to pay its to processes of meadow clearing in the parish of rent and taxes from the returns produced from the creation, management and devaluation 93 land. Instead, the surveyor notes that the weaving of circulation by Per Ebbasson, and Jon Finger goes fabric from wool and flax, together with some cattle through the process of clearing the overgrown breeding and the selling of butter and cheese gave meadow and re-activating the landesque capital. the household its main income (LSA O69-40:1). In The underlying motives also show the meadow is this case, the farmer had not been able to build up an important part of a careful household calculation or maintain his landesque capital, and the ongoing on which the reproduction of these farms relied. Per process of meadow degeneration had affected the in Kulla abandoned a meadow that was no longer entire farm’s economy. needed for his household’s reproduction, perhaps Cases concerning the decline of a farm’s ability to due to changing the type of farming he employed meet its tax burden or the resumption of a farm that or because of an expansion of meadows closer to for some reason was laid to waste often start with a the farm itself. This constitutes a social process description of the condition of the meadows. The of devaluation affecting the meadow in question. quality of the meadow stands out as a prerequisite Although the character of the meadow in Emmared that decides if the farm could reach a sustainable remains unknown, the action of reclaiming it as a level of production. Once a new meadow was meadow by the local farmer ensured the endurance incorporated into the farm or hamlet’s agrarian or maintenance of the landesque capital. It is also economy, the job of ensuring its maintenance possible that the grazing activity slowed the process over time began. Those who invested their work of vegetation overgrowth. These actions were in the land expected long-term returns for their therefore not only dependent on household hay efforts. Dry meadows were especially sensitive in requirements but also a way to appropriate or take this regard due to the leakage of nutrients, but advantage of capital built up by others before the there is also an example where recurring floods process of degeneration had gone too far. Meadows were thus under threat of different destroyed wet meadow hay, in turn leading to tax depreciation (Kinds häradsrätt 1637). Changing processes of devaluation, either biophysical or social. However, many court cases reveal a dynamic hydrologic conditions could thus also negatively affect meadow capital. of maintenance existed to ensure the endurance of meadow capital over time. Devaluation processes Some cases illuminate how meadows as landesque capital could be removed from circulation and later in meadows seem not to have been systematic (i.e., large-scale abandonment) at this period in become incorporated by others in need of such resources. A case from Alseda Parish in the district time, but rather sporadic and incremental, in turn often salvaged by neighbouring farms for different of Östra serves as an example. Per Ebbesson in the hamlet Kulla owned an outlying meadow in the reasons and by various means. The social processes of meadow capital devaluation occurred at the farm hamlet Emmared but left it unused since he had ‘enough meadow anyway’ (Östra häradsrätt, 16th of level but not at a larger scale. The next section examines the details of this type of practice on an August 1625). Four years prior, in 1621, Jon Finger in Emmared had begun to use the outlying meadow institutional level and scrutinizes the meadow in relation to other types of land use. that for years had been lying ‘under cow’s feet and trodden by hoofs’. The court’s task was to establish whether the meadow was an asset belonging to Kulla OUTLYING MEADOWS AND LOCAL or Emmared, and several elderly people testified that ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS since time immemorial the outlying meadow had belonged to Kulla. Court records constitute a substantial source of This example highlights how an asset that is of information, but the number of cases dealing with no use to one farmer can be crucial to another. In land disputes is relatively low. Trials dealing with this case, an outlying meadow was taken out of owner or usership rights to land include cases of 94 landscape history TABLE 3. CASES RELATING TO MEADOWS FOUND IN THE COURT PROTOCOLS FROM EACH DISTRICT, DIVIDED INTO NINE DIFFERENT SUBJECT AREAS. District Subject Kind Redväg Östra Taxes 7 1 4 Specific/outlying meadows 11 6 26 Property boundaries 5 1 3 Meadow clearing 3 0 12 Rights on infield meadows 3 2 4 Water use with meadow consequences 2 2 1 Meadows as pawns 2 1 5 Meadow as a scene 5 0 13 Fences at meadows 1 2 9 slash and burn cultivation, unlawful felling of commonly practised in Kind during this period oaks, border disputes between farms and hamlets, (Larson 1949). A process of outland degeneration and, in a few cases, the right to use or reclaim is evident from northern Småland during this a meadow. Conflicts regarding fixed arable land time and was primarily caused by an increase in are very rare and are often mentioned only in the establishment of settlements, although the connection to general infields alongside meadows. situation in Östra was not as predominate as in The low number of cases regarding infields means neighbouring districts (Vestbö-Franzén 2004, p. that the conflicts that arose were mainly solved 186). The increased pressure on the outlands meant within the by-law community or between the farms that the practice of slash and burn agriculture had themselves. A similar argument can be presented for to compete with other forms of outland production, meadows in general, which occur more often but in combination with increased settlement. This still comprise comparatively few cases. pressure is marked by the high number of cases in The relative lack of cases that deal with meadows the court records, indicating high transaction costs in this respect during the first half of the sevententh related to this type of land use. century indicates that the connected local economic While low transaction costs during the period institutions worked well. Meadow land use and its studied meant that local institutions connected to related conflicts must be viewed at this time as a meadow land use remained somewhat obscure, they system not yet disturbed by high transaction costs. were partly revealed in a few cases where conifl cts In contrast, conflicts over outland slash and burn regarding outlying meadows were decided at the enterprises are much more frequent. This difference district court level. In these instances, the factors can be partly explained by the increasing pressure used to make a determination in previous conifl cts on outland resources during the seventeenth that had been solved locally were also revealed. In century. While the sixteenth century was marked by turn, these cases shed light on the intricate patterns of increasing outland colonisation, swidden cultivation lending, pawning and leasing of meadows, which we and meadow establishment, the seventeenth century argue are ways of maintaining and taking advantage was a period of increasing markets for forest produce of previous investments in meadow capital. These such as wood, coal and tar (Myrdal & Söderberg types of transactions are not similarly represented in 1991, p. 507). Tar production and export were cases concerning other types of land use. creation, management and devaluation 95 Court cases regarding meadows are dominated two trusted men, Jon in Götskögle and Jon in by disputes concerning the ownership of specific Dimmö, were often summoned as experts when it outlying meadows (e.g. Östra häradsrätt 1594, came to investigating complex owner /user structures 1623, 1650; Redvägs häradsrätt 1629, 1635, 1646; connected to meadows (e.g. Östra häradsrätt 1650). Kinds häradsrätt 1607, 1628, 1640), which in Cases regarding outlying meadows often follow turn indirectly reveal the associated history of each a similar pattern (Fig. 2). One meadow in the underlying case. Meadows were used as an asset outfield of hamlet A might have been used for thirty to pawn, lend or lease and in turn were regulated years by a farmer from farm B. Farmer (B) might through local economic institutions. have gained the right to use it during a period of A number of witnesses were involved in these time when the farm in hamlet A experienced a cases, often ‘older men’ (or in one case an elderly decline due to poverty or sickness. Initially, a deal woman) who could recall the situation one or two or agreement probably existed where farm B gave generations ago (e.g. Kinds häradsrätt 1609, 1629, money or hay in exchange for the use to farm A. Östra häradsrätt 1650, 1654). A survey was often As time passed and the farms changed tenants, the required to reach a verdict on which side of a original agreement was forgotten, and the use of boundary a meadow lay, where lay judges and trusted the meadow was considered an asset that belonged men from the district walked the whole boundary to the farm, by farm B’s new tenant. As the farm and tried to resolve disagreements concerning in hamlet A once again recovered under the same boundary marks. A dispute could re-emerge and farmer’s regime or a new tenant, the question arose be returned to court repeatedly at great cost for whether that particular outlying meadow had not the participants (e.g. Kinds häradsrätt 1609, 1610; formerly belonged to farm A. Elderly people could Redvägs häradsrätt 1630, 1635). In Östra district, provide this information, or a written document Fig. 2. Model of the common pattern in ownership disputes regarding outlying meadows. The model shows how farm A takes up a meadow, which is later abandoned at the time of the farm’s decline. At that time, farm B started to use the meadow instead. A few years later, both farm A and farm B had new owners or tenants, and the original agreement was forgotten or blurred. It is at this point that a conflict arises concerning the ownership of the meadow in question. 96 landscape history could attest to the transfer. However, in most cases hamlet describes the yield from the infield and the like this, with strong ownership evidence, the tenant outlying meadows, amongst them the utjord in or owner of farm A and of farm B simply shook question (LSA E4:114-17). The utjord corresponded hands and the situation returned to the one that had to 10 per cent of the rectory’s total yield of hay from prevailed thirty years before. Nevertheless, in some dry and wet meadows. A fairly low percentage, but cases, farm B — after some years of mowing in the probably an intricate part of a critical calculation outlying meadow — bought the meadow from farm where hay, livestock and manure make up the parts. A. Even this transaction could be forgotten, and a Eventually, the Queen withdrew the meadow from new tenant would be left unaware of the rightful the grant to von Steinberg and returned it to the ownership conditions. Multiple claims to the same vicar’s farm in Alseda (Östra häradsrätt 1648). meadow therefore could be raised to the courts. Arguments that the removal of a meadow, even Other court cases deal with meadows lent or a small meadow, may severely harm the farm’s pawned for a mortgage (e.g. Kinds häradsrätt 1627, economy are recurring and seem to be taken ad Redvägs häradsrätt 1645, Östra häradsrätt 1651). notam by the district court. The overall problem for After a period of time, knowledge concerning the the court was to investigate the ownership pattern original arrangement became unclear and led to of who owned a meadow, or who leased or lent it. conflicts that were brought to the court. There are In the mentioned case, the utjord did not lie directly examples of cases where a farmer offered to clear under the rectory but instead was an indirect asset. a former meadow that had become overgrown by One of the farms in Alseda hamlet (Farm No 4) is trees and shrubs in another farm’s outlying land, marked as öde or ‘deserted’ on the map from 1645, in exchange for using it and harvesting the hay for meaning that the farm probably was occupied but some time (e.g. Östra häradsrätt 1650). After an that the tenants for some reason could not pay their unfixed period of time, the farm that had cleared rent or taxes. It was economically deserted rather and used the meadow could claim ownership than unoccupied. The map lists the utjord as an asset under the deserted farm with the addendum that through custom (sw: urminnes hävd) if it had been left without attention from the original owner / ‘since the farm is deserted, the utjord or meadow is used by the vicar in Alseda’. In our research we did farm (Vestbö-Franzén, 2003, pp 187–210). The court could also decree that the meadow would be not investigate the length of time the utjord was used by the rectory or when (if ever) the deserted farm divided between the former owner and the new one. One example can be studied in more detail (Fig. regained use of the meadow, but the case provides insight to pinpoint the meadow’s role in the local 3). Queen Christina I (1626–1689, and the ruling queen 1644–1654) granted some crown property in economy and to illustrate the dynamic character of meadow capital. Alseda parish in Östra to the gentlewoman Ursula von Steinberg (1616–1672), including an utjord (a Outlying meadows were part of a dynamic agrarian landscape. In comparison with infield use, non-settled cadastral unit, most often the land of a farm that was deserted during the late medieval outlands were used even more dynamically over time, especially during the period studied, when agrarian crisis (Karsvall 2016). This utjord was used as an outlying meadow under the rectory of Alseda other forms of secondary resource use started to be more common. Infield transaction costs were with a yield of twelve loads of hay yearly. The vicar argued, in front of the winter court in January 1648, generally lower than those related to outland use at this time as a result of the distant location of that considering the many extra expenses that follow the rectory, the economy would be severely harmed outlying meadows. It is thus not surprising to find more court cases related to these meadows without the hay from this particular meadow. The twelve loads are not mentioned in the court record, than those on the infields. Outlying meadows were more distant from the main settlement area but a cadastral map from 1645 showing Alseda creation, management and devaluation 97 Fig. 3. Map depicting the case of the Alseda rectory, which was dependent on hay from an outlying utjord (a non-settled cadastral unit), which in turn was owned by another deserted farm in the hamlet. The map shows the geographical location of the utjord in question, the rectory, and the farm that owned the meadow. Grey areas represent arable fields and thick black lines represent fences (Adapted from LSA E4:114–17). 98 landscape history and were more difficult to overlook, manage and became options to preserve a meadow or generate guard. Nevertheless, investments in these types of revenue, although the hay itself may not have been meadows were sometimes invaluable to the farming needed by the owner. The distance of these meadows household, and the system of lending, pawning relative to the farm that associated with them and leasing of meadows was a means to preserve also meant that such arrangements could become these investments over time. It is also the case that unclear over time, leading to future conflicts when a meadow may be an asset to a farm even though the original agree ments had been forgotten. The the hay itself was unnecessary for the household. meadow’s character as a comparatively temporal We would thus like to argue that this system and investment in need of careful management most its related local economic institutions were primarily likely supported the development of institutions related to this type of land use, revealing how the for local land transactions. characteristics of a specific type of landesque capital In general, meadow land use was affected by also developed in the local institutional context. fairly low transaction costs in comparison to slash and burn agriculture, which was more was threatened by diversified outland use. However, CONCLUSION outlying meadows were more frequently the subject This paper contributes towards filling a research of land disputes than infields. Most likely, this was gap in Swedish agrarian history through an analysis related to the institutional frameworks surrounding of the economic role of meadows, and presents this type of land as well as the distance from the reliable source material useful for such studies. By main settlement area. The infields were more stable examining the records of trials from the district in this regard in terms of ownership, and the use of courts in Kind, Redväg and Östra between 1600 infield land was more easily regulated by by-laws. and 1660, in combination with cadastral maps, new The results of this study point to the potential of perspectives are presented. Through this material, historical analyses of meadows, specifically in this the meadows can be analysed as landesque capital, context of Sweden. It is unclear whether the results partly by following the individual meadows and how presented here would be valid in other regions in people relate to each from an economic viewpoint, Sweden, for example, on the agricultural plains and partly by revealing different strategies of long- of east-central and western Sweden. The districts term meadow management in which pawning, studied here were generally less populated and had leasing or hiring was an important part. a greater abundance of land usable for meadows. This study points out that the effective manage- The larger amount of arable land on the plains ment of meadow investments, which were often could have led to meadows being more contested or collective efforts, necessitated specific practices. more strictly bound in terms of ownership and use. Meadows were an essential part of the household Further studies are thus needed in a larger variety economy, and the handling of meadow devaluation / of geographical contexts. degeneration over time due to biophysical processes The potential of using court protocols cannot was important. Devaluation through abandonment be understated as a source material for studies of was also a social process but did not occur on institutions and customs relating to different forms of land use. Jesper Larsson (2016) has previously a systematic level at this time. Instead, when a meadow was abandoned, it was often taken up by shown how such material enables a close inspection of the management of common pool resources. For others, either by agreement between the landowner and user or surreptitiously. The distance of outlying early seventeenth-century meadows, court records emerge as the primary source material that yields the meadows meant that these properties were often involved in these types of transactions between most significant insights into premodern meadow land use and ownership aspects. farms and settlements. Leasing, lending or pawning creation, management and devaluation 99 note 1. This work was supported by Jan Wallander & Tom was supported by funding from Carl Mannerfelts Hedelius stiftelse along with Tore Browaldhs stiftelse scholarship. under Grant P20-0170 (Handelsbanken). Field work acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Lowe Börjesson and court protocols from the district of Östra for the years Mats Widgren for constructive comments on the first 1662–1665. The paper also benefited from a thorough draft of the paper. We would also like to thank Elisabeth review by Michael Richard Handley Jones. 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