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Withholding of sex and forced sex: Dimensions of violence against Zimbabwean women

Withholding of sex and forced sex: Dimensions of violence against Zimbabwean women Charlotte Watts, Erica Keogh, Mavis Ndlovu, Rudo Kwaramba Between 1995 and 1997, the Musasa Projectin Harare conducted research to document the magnitude and health consequences of violente against women by their sexual partner in Zimbabwe. An unforeseen issue that emerged was the extent that women’ s husbands/regular partners not only forced them to have sex (25per cent], but would also sometimes stop having sex with them (27per cent). Both forms of coercion could be used bymen as a means ofpunishing or controlling theirpartners. Men who threatened or who werephysically violent towards their partners were more likely to force sex ano!/or withdraw sex than those who were not violent. The withdrawal of sex was associated with potentially important changes in the relationship - indudingseparation, thepartner taking another wife or gettinga girlfriend - and to force their wives to accept this new situation. Forced sex was more likely to occur in contexts where the woman mayhave felt she had the right to refuse sex, e.g. when herpartnerhad a girlfriend. On the ether hand, some men stopped sex to protect their wives fiom sexually transmitted infections. Withdrawal of sex was intepreted by women as a sign that the relationship might be ending, which represented not only a loss of love butpossibly also a loss of economie secun’ ty and her children. Future research on violente and sexuality needs to explore not only forced sex but also the withdrawal of sex within relationships. N Southern Africa, violente against women quences of violente against women. The study not is increasingly being recognised as an only explored the extent to which sex is forced important human rights, development and within relationships, but in addition, documented health issue. This is largely a result of the degree to which men may withhold sex. This sustained action by many women’ s organi- paper discusses the extent to which each of these sations, including the Musasa Project in Harare, may occur and in what contexts, and the Zimbabwe. Founded in 1988, Musasa is a small implications for the understanding of power and but high profile NGO that works to confront sexual dynamics within relationships. violente against women. Their work in Zimba- bwe includes the provision of legal and counselling services to women experiencing Gender roles in relationships abuse, and education to inform and sensitise the Generally within Zimbabwe, women’ s subordi- public, policymakers and concerned organisa- nate position within the home is deeply entren- tions. They also conduct research to guide and ched in both traditional and current legal, evaluate their work. Internationally, they are religious and social structures.l Economie dis- involved in advocacy and training activities. crimination also limits the opportunities for Between 1995 and 1997, the Musasa Project, in women to gain financial independente from their collaboration with the University of Zimbabwe partners. These inequalities have been intensi- and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical fied by the current economie difficulties facing Medicine, conducted action-oriented research to the country, and the increasing burden that HIV/ document the magnitude and health conse- AIDS is plating on communities and families. 57 Watts, Keogh, Ndlovu, Kwaramba Men and women’ s roles within marriage are The study clearly divided - while a man is obligated to feed, The research consisted of two main components: house and clothe his family, the woman is a situational analysis and a large household expected to cook and bear children for the man. survey. The situational analysis aimed to obtain a She must also please the husband, and bring up broad over-view of violente against women in the children in an appropriate way.2 While strict Zimbabwe.6 A review of published and un- controls are placed on women’ s sexuality within published literature, press coverage, and records marriage, men are allowed considerable free- from Musasa and the police was conducted. dom, and nowadays, it is commonly accepted that Focus group discussions were also held with a men will have sexual relationships outside marri- range of participants - including professional age.3 In addition, while men are expected to need workers, farm workers, health workers, and and enjoy sex regularly, women are taught that people living in high density suburbs. These were complemented by semi-structured inter- they should not enjoy sex.4 Consequently, pleas- views with a range of key informants, including ing a woman sexually is generally not considered important, particularly after marriage. Further- development workers, the police, and counsel- more, in Zimbabwe there is traditionally little lors and clients at Musasa. The information gained was used both to gain insights into communication between spouses about sexual attitudes towards different forms of violente issues. Because women are taught that they against women and to guide the development of should not enjoy sex, it is often difficult for them to express their sexual feelings and needs.l a questionnaire to use in a household survey on In Zimbabwe, a woman’ s legal rights and violente against women. This paper draws upon the findings of both the situational analysis and entitlements differ between different marriages and relationships. This is because Zimbabwe, like the household survey. most other countries with a colonial past, has a The household survey was conducted in one plural legal system, in which both customary laws province in Zimbabwe. Census information was (reflecting traditional Zimbabwean mores and used to pick locations and households randomly values) and general laws (based upon Roman- to conduct the interviews. Within each household, Dutch Law) operate side by side. Women may be one woman over 18 was randomly picked for married either under customary law (by the interview. Interviews were conducted in private payment of a brideprice), under the African by Musasa staff and volunteers in Shona, Ndebele Marriages Act (Chapter 238) or under general and English, Zimbabwe’ s main languages. Res- law (commonly known as a magistrates wedding). pondents came from all races and socio-economie A woman married under genera1 law often has groups, from low- and high-density suburbs, more rights than a woman married under the growth points, commercial farms and rural areas. African Marriages Act or customary law. For A total of 966 interviews were completed and example, the husband of a woman married under were available for analysis. The sample obtained genera1 law is not legally permitted to take a was representative of women over 18 in the second wife, whilst the husband of a woman province. Each woman was asked several direct married in other ways is able to do mis. questions about whether she had ever experi- As elsewhere, it is likely that violente against enced specific acts of,abuse since the age of 16, women in Zimbabwe is widespread.6r7 Women and whether these had occurred in tbe previous are vulnerable to domestic violente both because year. Where a woman said she had experienced a of their low status and lack of power in the family, specific form of abuse, further guestions were and because vìolence within marriage is widely asked about the perpetrator. The prevalente of tolerated. Indeed, women are often taught that physical and psychological abuse during preg- víolence is an inevitable part of relationships, and nancy was also explored. Four main categories of social norms commonly condone violente by men abuse were explored and estimates of their as a way of resolving disputes and exercismg prevalente were calculated from their responses: control within the family.4 This creates pressure on them to endure violent relationships; indeed, ?? physical violente - including slapping, women face immense economie pressure and beatings, burning, choking and attacks with social stigma if they do leave. weapons; ” _ 58 Reproductive HeaJth Matters, Vol. 6, NO. 12, November 19x3 sexual abuse - including unwanted touching, Figure 1. Prevalente of abuse against women attempted and forced sexual intercourse, since age 16 from all perpetrators withdrawal of sex by the man; psychological abuse - including forced 60% isolation, public humiliation and constant criticism; and economie abuse - including being prevented 40% from going to work, thrown out of the home, and not given available support money. z p. 20% During the situational analysis and piloting of the survey questionnaire, participants and 0% Psychological* Sexual Physical Economie NO abuse members of the research team pointed out that repatted we should explore not only whether men forced Form of abuse their partners to have sex, but also whether men withheld sex from their partners. For this reason, “Psychological abuse = íwo or more emotionally abosive actions respondents in the survey who had ever been in a relationship were asked whether their current or most recent partner had ever forced them to distinct categories, in practise there was consi- have sex when they did not want it (called forced derable overlap between them. For example, 46 sex here), and also whether their partner had per cent of women reported some form of sexual ever refused to have sex with them, even though abuse but only seven per cent of these reported they wanted to have sexual relations with him sexual abuse alone. Fifty-eight per cent also re- (called withholding or withdrawal of sex here). ported physical abuse and possibly psycholo- Support was provided in cases where abuse gical and/or economie abuse and 35 per cent reported psychological and!or economie abuse. was identified. Follow-up activities publicised the extent and consequences of violente against In addition, an increasing severity of physical women, advocated for increased government and sexual violente was significantly associated action, and sought to explore multi-sectoral with an increasing severity of economie and activities to address violente against women in psychological abuse. Zimbabwe.8 Almost half (45 per cent) of the women who had ever been pregnant reported at least one act of psychological or physical abuse during a preg- nancy. Of these, 22 per cent reported being The extent of physical, sexual, psychological and economie forms of assaulted physically whilst pregnant, with nine per cent reporting blows to the stomach and four abuse per cent reporting attacks with a weapon. In most The survey was the first large-scale study to cases, the physical violente was by a current or document women’ s experiences of violente in sub-Saharan Africa. The findings confirm that in former partner, hut violente by others known to the women was also reported. For young women, Zimbabwe violente against women is a per- vasive problem (Figure 1). The levels of domestic this may have come from someone in her own violente documented are comparable to those family, who may have been unhappy that she was found in similar research in Canada, UK, Egypt pregnant, or the relatives of the baby’ s father and Mexico.’ The prevalente figures include acts when she turned to them for support. perpetrated by a range of people, but in most Of 885 women, 25 per cent reported that their cases were Erom the respondent’ s current or partner had forced them to have sex. Most said former partner. Other perpetrators were often a that this had occurred in the year prior to the respondent’ s in-laws or her own relatives. In study. Of 868 women 17 per cent reported that, at some point, their partner had withdrawn sex. Of only a small percentage of incidents was the perpetrator a stranger. The full findings are these, just under half said this had started less presented elsewhere.g than a year before. The prevalente of forced sex and the withholding of sex by a partner are Although the forms of abuse are grouped into 59 Watts, Keogh, Ndlovu, Kwaramba Figure 2. Forced sex, the withdrawal of sex Table 1. Physical violente, withholding of sex and the overlap and forced sex Forced sex 25% Withdrawal of sex 17% Per cent reporting Per cent repot?ing partnerforced partner withheld sex (n = 876) sex (n = 857) Nothreats of or physical violente by any perpetrator 16% 13% Someone otherthan partnerthreatened or was physicallyviolent* 28% 14% Partnerthreatened or included under sexual violente in Figure 1. was physicallyviolent* 45% 32% Although forced sex and the withdrawal of sex seem to be opposite extremes, they do occur *lncludes hitting, kicking, choking, assaults with a weapon and within the same relationship - 34 per cent of physical violente duringpregnancy respondents indicated that their partner had either forced or withheld sex. Of these, 49 per cent reported forced sex only, 28 per cent repor- does not fee1 like it.’ (Semi-structured interview, ted the withholding of sex only, and 23 per cent woman community development werker) reported that both had occurred (Figure 2). Table 1 shows the proportion of women who reported that sex had been either forced or Physical violente, withholding of sex withdrawn, according to whether their partner and forced sex by partners or another perpetrator had either threatened or The results of the situational analysis suggest been physically violent towards them. that withholding of sex often does not occur in These f?ndings show that women who had isolation, but is associated with other difficulties been threatened or physically assaulted by their within the relationship, including physical partner were almost three times more likely to violente: experience forced sex by their partner than women who had not been threatened or ‘ If a man is (physically] abusing a wife.. . usually assaulted. Likewise, these respondents were two tbat bad mood takes him over. ..He takes that and a half times more likely to have sex mood to bed with him so that he sleeps with his withdrawn than women who had not been back to you, his wife.’ (Focus group discussion, threatened or physically assaulted. A less strong women farm workers) association was found between women whose partner forced them to ha;e sex and physical Forced sex too may follow physical violente or violente by someonel other than their partner. be part of the abuse. Many clients at Musasa This is probably because many of these report that during or after a violent incident, perpetrators are from the respondents’ extended their partner forces them to have sex. In the family, who may support their partner’ s abusive situational analysis, participants also discussed and controlling behaviour. how women may be beaten and forced to have sex if they try to refuse their partner’ s demands for sex: Wben is sex forced? Univariate analysis was used to identify whether ‘ As a woman, if you turn down his sexual there are particular factors that are significantly advances you can get beaten up for that. A man associated with the occurrence of forced sex can even tel1 you that sex is the reason he married within a relationship (Table 2). you. You as the wife will not have sex only if he Forced sex-was- most likely to be reported by 60 Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 6, No. 12, November 1998 Table 2. Factors significantly associated with forced sex by partner Factor 95 per cent Effective Significante Per cent Odds ratio confidence sample size leve1 repotting partner interval forced sex Currentlymarried 26 per cent 1.71 1.10-2.65 885 0.016 Respondent has own income 27 per cent 1.48 1.06 - 2.06 877 0.021 Knows that partner has girlfriend 44 per cent 2.43* 1.41-4.19 750 0.001 Partner drinks/takesdrugs 29 per cent 1.4 1.00-1.95 781 0.048 *Responses of yes vs. no or unsure women who currently had a partner (26 per When is sex withdrawn? cent), than by women who were separated or Some men stop having sex with their partners divorced (24 per cent), widowed (18 per cent) or when they discover that they themselves have an single (4 per cent). Among married women, STI or are HIV positive. One man stopped having significant differences were found between sex with his wife to protect her from HIV women with different forms of union - with the infection, but did not tell her that was why: highest proportion of women reporting forced sex among those with the most forma1 type of ‘ My husband started acting very strange. Every union (33 per cent for women with a magistrate’ s time I wanted to have sex OI- made moves towards wedding), and the lowest proportion among him he would become upset and try to find any women who were living together with their excuse not to have sex. At times he would even partner and not married (16 per cent). Forced sex become violent and later on apologise, saying he was more likely to be reported by women who did not know why he did not fee1 like having sex had their own income, and women who knew nowadays. I decided to give him some time, that their partner had a girlfriend. Women thinking he would change. But up to now he has whose partners drank alcohol or took drugs not changed. He has been tested and he is were also more likely to report forced sex. This positive, and now I understand why he behaved was most common for women who reported that that way.’ (Participant in HIV/AIDS research their partner drank on most days (37 per cent). conducted by Musasa) These findings raise important questions concerning who is vulnerable to forced sex by While this illustrates a protective dimension to their regular partner, and why this may occur. A the withdrawal of sex, as Meursing and Sibanda woman who has an income, or who has some describe, such measures are often temporary legal entitlements within her marriage may fee1 and may not be sustained if symptoms of ill that she has the right at times to refuse sex. The health disappear.3 same may also hold for women who know that More generally, however, it appears that men their partner has other girlfriends, or when a stop having sex when there are problems in the partner is drunk or on drugs. However, our relationship. Univariate analysis was used to Endings suggest that women in any of these identify whether there were factors that were situations were more likely to be forced by their significantly associated with women reporting partner to have sex than other women. In that their partner had stopped sex when they addition, as there are strong links between would have liked sex to continue (Table 3). forced sex and physical violente, it may even be Of women who were divorced or separated, that women who fee1 entitled to refuse unwanted 27 per cent reported that their partner had sex by their partner are vulnerable to both forced stopped sex. In many instances, this may have sex and physical violente. signalled the start of or occurred during the process of separation. Indeed, the association 61 Watts, Keogh, Ndlow, Kwaramba Table 3. Factors significantly associated with partner withholding sex Per cent Odds ratio Significante Factor 95 per cent Effective leve1 reporting partner confidence sample size withheld sex interval Knows that partner has been married previously 22 per cent 1.57" 1.08 - 2.28 772 0.017 Partner has other wives 26 per cent 1.98 1.29 - 3.05 744 0.002 Knows that partner has other girlfriends 32 per cent 2.52* 1.41 -4.52 740 0.001 Lives in rural location 19 per cent 1.43 0.99 - 2.05 868 0.054 Partner does not hug her in loving ways 30 per cent 2.34 1.50 - 3.66 856 0.001 *Yes vs. no or unsure between sex and a continuing relationship was Men may create this situation for many reasons so important, as one counsellor at Musasa - including to ensure that there is someone to look explained, that women may accept sex after a after their children. Women may endure such an violent incident because for them it is a sign that arrangement because they are often highly de- their partner still loves and wants to be with pendent upon a continued relationship for their them, despite the violente. own and their children’ s survival. Of women in an ongoing relationship, 16 per What also emerges from the qualitative cent also reported that their partner had stopped findings is that men may withdraw sex within an sex. The quantitative analysis suggests that this ongoing relationship to punish their partner, or may be associated with other important changes - as a way to force their partner to do something such as the partner having an extra-marital affair, against her wilL or taking another wife. The qualitative findings suggest that although this may not always signi@ A client came to Musasa seeking advice about her the end of their relationship, it may substantially husband. He had been having an affair with her alter the woman’ s status and role within the sister for some time, and had decided to marry relationship. For example, as one HIV/AIDS her. She refused to agree to their marriage, so he counsellor described, a man may take a girlfriend stopped havìng sex with her - stating that as she and stop sex with his wife, essentially relegating was pum’ shing her sister, he would punish her. her to the position of a domestic servant: (Case history, Musasa Project) ‘ 1 think another form of abuse obviously is when Again, men are able to manipulate the situation the husband has a girlfriend, he wil1 make it so in this way because”of the substantial power obvious to the wife that he does not really care for inequalities that exist tithin relationships, and her because he has somebody better, but he because of women’ s economie and emotional would want to keep this wife as if she is just a dependence upon them. house maid, because the wife wil1 do the cooking, the washing of his clothes. He has somebody whom he takes out and has a good time with, but Perceptions about the acceptability of the wife is deprived of what should be part of the forced sex and the withdrawal of sex marital set-up, the relationship that they are There is currently a debate going on in supposed to have as man and wife.’ Zimbabwe about whether forced sex in marriage (Semi-structured interview, male HIV/AIDS is acceptable, and whether it should be called counsellor) rape. It is commonly believed that men have a 62 Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 6, No. 12, November 1998 right to have sex with their wives whenever they themselves vulnerable to assault and to forced want - except at specific times when sex is taboo. sex by their partner. In Zimbabwean law, rape within marriage is not As with forced sex, beliefs concerning the recognised. However, partictilarly given the acceptability of the withdrawal of sex are current risk of HIV/AIDS, it is increasingly being influenced by beliefs as to whether women have argued that unprotected sex in situations of risk the right to have sex regularly within a relation- ship, and the context that led to sex being is unacceptab1e.l In practice, men and women’ s perceptions as to whether forced sex is stopped. In particular, given the current risks of acceptable or not depend upon the context in HIV/AIDS, if the withdrawal of sex occurs which it has occurred (such as whether the because a man has another girlfriend or an STI, this may be seen as beneficial: woman was pregnant or the man drunk), and the degree of physical force used. ‘ As long as he does not beat me up or bother me Similarly, there are mixed perceptions and my children I do not care. With his AIDS concerning whether the withdrawal of sex by problems I do not care. After all, he is saving my men is important or detrimental. In the life. He wil1 come back when he is tired and needs situational analysis, participants of both sexes someone to take care ofhim before he dies.’ discussed how both men and women may stop (Client at Musasa) having sex when there is a problem in the relationship, or following a dispute - and said However, perceptions may be less supportive that this was not of concern as long as it did not if sex stops because a man wants to separate or last very long. However, they also discussed how in practise men are able to choose when and for take another partner, or if it is being used as a how long to stop sex, and to withdraw sex to means of threatening a partner. This can be punish or threaten their partner. In contrast, perceived as a substantial threat, particularly by women who attempted to do the same would women, since these may have severe economie potentially jeopardise the relationship, and make consequences for her and her children. Conse- 63 Watts, Keogh, Ndlovu, Kwaramha quently, women in this situation may actively relationships.lO,ll This is understandable as seek help or advice from members of their forced sex by an intimate partner often has extended family. One woman even sought immense psychological and physical conse- redress through the law: quences for a woman’ s health.l* However, our ílndings suggest that in Zimbabwe, the with- A woman who had been married for a number of drawal of sex within a relationship is also years went to the Community Liaison Officer important, as it may be associated with losing a when her husband took a second wife. She had husband or boyfriend’ s favour, and possibly complained to her husband that he did not share being replaced by another woman. Particularly his love equally. When she complained, her as women are often financially dependent upon husband assaulted her. She then took her case to men, this means not only loss of love, but the police, and later to the community court. may also have severe economie consequences. In (Case history from police records) a country where poverty is increasingly rife and the economie struggle for survival immense, this may threaten a woman’ s entire livelihood and Conclusion result in her losing her children. Improving women’ s reproductive health involves As with forced sex, the withdrawal of sex rep- empowering women to have control over their resents an abuse of power within a relationship. sexual lives. However, in Zimbabwe women’ s Both forms of control are supported by the same lack of economie security and opportunity creates gender inequalities that help to perpetuate physi- cal violente within relationships. Future research dependenties that make women unable to exercise choice within their sexual relationships. on domestic violente and sexuality needs to ex- The study flndings illustrate the degree to which plore further the contexts in which men may with- in practice, women have to submit to their hold sex within relationships, and the implications for women and their children and families. partner’ s demands for sex. Indeed, the findings suggest that women who may fee1 that they have Acknowledgements the right to choose not to have sex are most at risk of forced sex (and potentially physical violente). We are indebted to the many participants in the Although women are often taught that they study. Various parts of the study were funded by the Centre for Health and Gender Equity should not enjoy sex, the hndings suggest that many women view sex and love as a right within fformerly the Health and Development Policy marriage. The findings also illustrate how, in Project) USA, and by Charity Projects UK through Womankind Worldwide. Charlotte Watts is practice, women have a limited ability to control or demand sex in marriage - particularly if a currently funded by Women, Health and partner chooses to stop having sex with her, she Development, WHO. often has little option but to accept this situation. In other settings, women also have the option to Correspondence withhold sex, but in Zimbabwe, the threat of Charlotte Watts, Health Policy Unit, London violente or separation makes this highly unlikely. School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, Keppel Current debates concerning sexual violente in Street, Londen WC1E 7HT, UK. Fax: 44-171-637- marriage have focused upon forced sex within 5391. E-mail: c.watis@lshtm.ac.uk References 1. Lowenson R, Edwards L, and Dartmouth. Reproductive Health Matters. Ndlovu-Hove P, 1996. 3. Meursing K, Sibanda F, 1995. 7(May):46-54. Reproductive Health Rights in Condoms, family planning and 5. Women and Lawin Southern Zimbabwe. Training and living with HIV in Zimbabwe. Africa. Armstong and Ncube Research Support Centre, Reproductive Health Matters. (eds). Women and Law in Harare and Ford Foundation. 5(May):56-67. Southern Africa, Zimbabwe 2. Sylvester C, 1991. Zimbabwe: 4. Njovana E, Watts C, 1996. Publisbing House, Harare, 1987. The Terrain of Contradictory Gender violente in Zimbabwe: a 6. Ndlovu M, Watts C, Njovana E Development. Westview Press, need for collaborative action. n et al, 1999. Violente against Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 6, No. 12, November 1998 women in Zimbabwe: a Workshop, Harare, February Gagnon J (eds). Routledge, New situational analysis. Musasa 1997. York. Project, Harare. (Unpublished) 9. Watts C, Ndlovu M, Keogh E et ll. Heise L, Moore K, oubia N, 1995. Violente Against Women. al, 1998. The Extent and Health Sexual Coercion and Women, Health and Consequences of Violente Reproductive Health: A Focus on Development, Family and Against Women in Zimbabwe. Research. Population Council, Reproductive Health, World Musasa Project Report, Harare. New York. Health Organization, Geneva, 10. Heise L, 1995. Violente, 12. Heise L, 1994. Violente Against 1997. sexuality and women’ s lives. Women: The Hidden Health Violente against women in Conceiving Sexuality: Burden. World Bank Discussion Zimbabwe: strategies for action. Approaches to Sex Research in a Papers 225, World Bank, Report of Musasa Project Postmodern World. Parker R, Washington DC. Résumé Remmen De 1995 à 1997, le Projet Musasa à Harare a mené Entre 1995 y 1997, el Proyecto Musasa de Harare, des recherches sur l’ ampleur et les conséquences Zimbawe, llevó a cabo una investigación sobre la pour la santé des violences exercées contre des violencia contra las mujeres por parte de sus femmes par leurs partenaires sexuels au parejas sexuales para ilustrar su magnitud y sus Zimbabwe. Un fait inattendu s’ est dégagé de consecuencias para la salííd. Un tema imprevisto cette étude : la mesure dans laquelle les maris/ que salió a relucir fue el hecho de que no sólo el partenaires habituels des femmes non seulement 25 % de los maridos/parejas asiduas forzaban a forçaient celles-ci à avoir des rapports (25 %), las mujeres a mantener relaciones sexuales, sino mais aussi parfois refusaient de continuer la que un 17% dejaban de tenerlas. Ambas formas relation (17 %), Les hommes appliquaient l’ une de coacción pueden ser utilizadas por los ou l’ autre forme de coercition pour punk ou tenir hombres coma una manera de castigar o sous leur joug leurs partenaires. L’ imposition controlar a sus parejas. Los hombres que forcée et/ou le refus de rapports sexuels étaient amenazaban o eran físicamente violentos hacia plus courantes chez les hommes qui menaçaient sus parejas eran más dados a forzarlas ou maltraitaient leurs partenaires que chez les sexualmente, 0 a retirar el contact0 sexual que los non-violents. Le refus de poursuivre une relation no violentos. La retirada sexual estaba asociada pouvait entraîner des effets potentiellement con cambios potencialmente importantes en la importants, comme la séparation, le remariage relación - incluyendo la separación, el marido avec une autre femme ou la prise d’ une maî- tomando una nueva esposa o novia - y la tresse, en obligeant la femme à accepter cette intención de forzar a sus esposas a aceptar esta nouvelle situation. L’ imposition de rapports nueva situación. El sexo forzado se daba más en sexuels se produisait plutôt dans des contextes contextos en que la mujer pueda haberse sentido où la femme avait pu estimer être en droit de se con derecho a rehusarlo, coma por ejemplo si refuser, par exemple quand elle savait que son sabía que su pareja tenía tma amante. Por otra partenaire avait une maîtresse. 11 arrivait aussi, parte, algunos hombres abandonaban las en revanche, que des hommes cessent tous relaciones sexuales para proteger a sus esposas rapports sexuels avec leurs femmes pour les de las enfermedades de transmisión sexual. La protéger d’ une infection sexuellement trans- retirada sexual era interpretado por las mujeres missible. Le refus de rapports était interprété par coma una señal de que la relación estaba llegando a su fin, 10 cual representaba no solo les femmes comme un signe que la relation avec leur partenaire risquait d’ être rompue, ce qui una pérdida amorosa, sino también de la seguridad económica y de sus hijos/as. En el représentait une perte non seulement sur le plan sentimental, mais éventuellement aussi sur celui future, es necesario que las investigaciones de la sécurité matérielle peur la femme et ses sobre la violencia y la sexualidad exploren no enfants. Dans les recherches futures sur la sólo el sexo forzado, sino también la retirada violente et la sexualité, il faudra étudier non sexual en las relaciones. seulement le fait d’ imposer des rapports sexuels, mais aussi celui de les refuser au sein du couple. http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Sexual and Reproductive Health Matters Taylor & Francis

Withholding of sex and forced sex: Dimensions of violence against Zimbabwean women

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Publisher
Taylor & Francis
Copyright
© 1998 Taylor & Francis
ISSN
1460-9576
DOI
10.1016/S0968-8080(98)90008-8
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Abstract

Charlotte Watts, Erica Keogh, Mavis Ndlovu, Rudo Kwaramba Between 1995 and 1997, the Musasa Projectin Harare conducted research to document the magnitude and health consequences of violente against women by their sexual partner in Zimbabwe. An unforeseen issue that emerged was the extent that women’ s husbands/regular partners not only forced them to have sex (25per cent], but would also sometimes stop having sex with them (27per cent). Both forms of coercion could be used bymen as a means ofpunishing or controlling theirpartners. Men who threatened or who werephysically violent towards their partners were more likely to force sex ano!/or withdraw sex than those who were not violent. The withdrawal of sex was associated with potentially important changes in the relationship - indudingseparation, thepartner taking another wife or gettinga girlfriend - and to force their wives to accept this new situation. Forced sex was more likely to occur in contexts where the woman mayhave felt she had the right to refuse sex, e.g. when herpartnerhad a girlfriend. On the ether hand, some men stopped sex to protect their wives fiom sexually transmitted infections. Withdrawal of sex was intepreted by women as a sign that the relationship might be ending, which represented not only a loss of love butpossibly also a loss of economie secun’ ty and her children. Future research on violente and sexuality needs to explore not only forced sex but also the withdrawal of sex within relationships. N Southern Africa, violente against women quences of violente against women. The study not is increasingly being recognised as an only explored the extent to which sex is forced important human rights, development and within relationships, but in addition, documented health issue. This is largely a result of the degree to which men may withhold sex. This sustained action by many women’ s organi- paper discusses the extent to which each of these sations, including the Musasa Project in Harare, may occur and in what contexts, and the Zimbabwe. Founded in 1988, Musasa is a small implications for the understanding of power and but high profile NGO that works to confront sexual dynamics within relationships. violente against women. Their work in Zimba- bwe includes the provision of legal and counselling services to women experiencing Gender roles in relationships abuse, and education to inform and sensitise the Generally within Zimbabwe, women’ s subordi- public, policymakers and concerned organisa- nate position within the home is deeply entren- tions. They also conduct research to guide and ched in both traditional and current legal, evaluate their work. Internationally, they are religious and social structures.l Economie dis- involved in advocacy and training activities. crimination also limits the opportunities for Between 1995 and 1997, the Musasa Project, in women to gain financial independente from their collaboration with the University of Zimbabwe partners. These inequalities have been intensi- and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical fied by the current economie difficulties facing Medicine, conducted action-oriented research to the country, and the increasing burden that HIV/ document the magnitude and health conse- AIDS is plating on communities and families. 57 Watts, Keogh, Ndlovu, Kwaramba Men and women’ s roles within marriage are The study clearly divided - while a man is obligated to feed, The research consisted of two main components: house and clothe his family, the woman is a situational analysis and a large household expected to cook and bear children for the man. survey. The situational analysis aimed to obtain a She must also please the husband, and bring up broad over-view of violente against women in the children in an appropriate way.2 While strict Zimbabwe.6 A review of published and un- controls are placed on women’ s sexuality within published literature, press coverage, and records marriage, men are allowed considerable free- from Musasa and the police was conducted. dom, and nowadays, it is commonly accepted that Focus group discussions were also held with a men will have sexual relationships outside marri- range of participants - including professional age.3 In addition, while men are expected to need workers, farm workers, health workers, and and enjoy sex regularly, women are taught that people living in high density suburbs. These were complemented by semi-structured inter- they should not enjoy sex.4 Consequently, pleas- views with a range of key informants, including ing a woman sexually is generally not considered important, particularly after marriage. Further- development workers, the police, and counsel- more, in Zimbabwe there is traditionally little lors and clients at Musasa. The information gained was used both to gain insights into communication between spouses about sexual attitudes towards different forms of violente issues. Because women are taught that they against women and to guide the development of should not enjoy sex, it is often difficult for them to express their sexual feelings and needs.l a questionnaire to use in a household survey on In Zimbabwe, a woman’ s legal rights and violente against women. This paper draws upon the findings of both the situational analysis and entitlements differ between different marriages and relationships. This is because Zimbabwe, like the household survey. most other countries with a colonial past, has a The household survey was conducted in one plural legal system, in which both customary laws province in Zimbabwe. Census information was (reflecting traditional Zimbabwean mores and used to pick locations and households randomly values) and general laws (based upon Roman- to conduct the interviews. Within each household, Dutch Law) operate side by side. Women may be one woman over 18 was randomly picked for married either under customary law (by the interview. Interviews were conducted in private payment of a brideprice), under the African by Musasa staff and volunteers in Shona, Ndebele Marriages Act (Chapter 238) or under general and English, Zimbabwe’ s main languages. Res- law (commonly known as a magistrates wedding). pondents came from all races and socio-economie A woman married under genera1 law often has groups, from low- and high-density suburbs, more rights than a woman married under the growth points, commercial farms and rural areas. African Marriages Act or customary law. For A total of 966 interviews were completed and example, the husband of a woman married under were available for analysis. The sample obtained genera1 law is not legally permitted to take a was representative of women over 18 in the second wife, whilst the husband of a woman province. Each woman was asked several direct married in other ways is able to do mis. questions about whether she had ever experi- As elsewhere, it is likely that violente against enced specific acts of,abuse since the age of 16, women in Zimbabwe is widespread.6r7 Women and whether these had occurred in tbe previous are vulnerable to domestic violente both because year. Where a woman said she had experienced a of their low status and lack of power in the family, specific form of abuse, further guestions were and because vìolence within marriage is widely asked about the perpetrator. The prevalente of tolerated. Indeed, women are often taught that physical and psychological abuse during preg- víolence is an inevitable part of relationships, and nancy was also explored. Four main categories of social norms commonly condone violente by men abuse were explored and estimates of their as a way of resolving disputes and exercismg prevalente were calculated from their responses: control within the family.4 This creates pressure on them to endure violent relationships; indeed, ?? physical violente - including slapping, women face immense economie pressure and beatings, burning, choking and attacks with social stigma if they do leave. weapons; ” _ 58 Reproductive HeaJth Matters, Vol. 6, NO. 12, November 19x3 sexual abuse - including unwanted touching, Figure 1. Prevalente of abuse against women attempted and forced sexual intercourse, since age 16 from all perpetrators withdrawal of sex by the man; psychological abuse - including forced 60% isolation, public humiliation and constant criticism; and economie abuse - including being prevented 40% from going to work, thrown out of the home, and not given available support money. z p. 20% During the situational analysis and piloting of the survey questionnaire, participants and 0% Psychological* Sexual Physical Economie NO abuse members of the research team pointed out that repatted we should explore not only whether men forced Form of abuse their partners to have sex, but also whether men withheld sex from their partners. For this reason, “Psychological abuse = íwo or more emotionally abosive actions respondents in the survey who had ever been in a relationship were asked whether their current or most recent partner had ever forced them to distinct categories, in practise there was consi- have sex when they did not want it (called forced derable overlap between them. For example, 46 sex here), and also whether their partner had per cent of women reported some form of sexual ever refused to have sex with them, even though abuse but only seven per cent of these reported they wanted to have sexual relations with him sexual abuse alone. Fifty-eight per cent also re- (called withholding or withdrawal of sex here). ported physical abuse and possibly psycholo- Support was provided in cases where abuse gical and/or economie abuse and 35 per cent reported psychological and!or economie abuse. was identified. Follow-up activities publicised the extent and consequences of violente against In addition, an increasing severity of physical women, advocated for increased government and sexual violente was significantly associated action, and sought to explore multi-sectoral with an increasing severity of economie and activities to address violente against women in psychological abuse. Zimbabwe.8 Almost half (45 per cent) of the women who had ever been pregnant reported at least one act of psychological or physical abuse during a preg- nancy. Of these, 22 per cent reported being The extent of physical, sexual, psychological and economie forms of assaulted physically whilst pregnant, with nine per cent reporting blows to the stomach and four abuse per cent reporting attacks with a weapon. In most The survey was the first large-scale study to cases, the physical violente was by a current or document women’ s experiences of violente in sub-Saharan Africa. The findings confirm that in former partner, hut violente by others known to the women was also reported. For young women, Zimbabwe violente against women is a per- vasive problem (Figure 1). The levels of domestic this may have come from someone in her own violente documented are comparable to those family, who may have been unhappy that she was found in similar research in Canada, UK, Egypt pregnant, or the relatives of the baby’ s father and Mexico.’ The prevalente figures include acts when she turned to them for support. perpetrated by a range of people, but in most Of 885 women, 25 per cent reported that their cases were Erom the respondent’ s current or partner had forced them to have sex. Most said former partner. Other perpetrators were often a that this had occurred in the year prior to the respondent’ s in-laws or her own relatives. In study. Of 868 women 17 per cent reported that, at some point, their partner had withdrawn sex. Of only a small percentage of incidents was the perpetrator a stranger. The full findings are these, just under half said this had started less presented elsewhere.g than a year before. The prevalente of forced sex and the withholding of sex by a partner are Although the forms of abuse are grouped into 59 Watts, Keogh, Ndlovu, Kwaramba Figure 2. Forced sex, the withdrawal of sex Table 1. Physical violente, withholding of sex and the overlap and forced sex Forced sex 25% Withdrawal of sex 17% Per cent reporting Per cent repot?ing partnerforced partner withheld sex (n = 876) sex (n = 857) Nothreats of or physical violente by any perpetrator 16% 13% Someone otherthan partnerthreatened or was physicallyviolent* 28% 14% Partnerthreatened or included under sexual violente in Figure 1. was physicallyviolent* 45% 32% Although forced sex and the withdrawal of sex seem to be opposite extremes, they do occur *lncludes hitting, kicking, choking, assaults with a weapon and within the same relationship - 34 per cent of physical violente duringpregnancy respondents indicated that their partner had either forced or withheld sex. Of these, 49 per cent reported forced sex only, 28 per cent repor- does not fee1 like it.’ (Semi-structured interview, ted the withholding of sex only, and 23 per cent woman community development werker) reported that both had occurred (Figure 2). Table 1 shows the proportion of women who reported that sex had been either forced or Physical violente, withholding of sex withdrawn, according to whether their partner and forced sex by partners or another perpetrator had either threatened or The results of the situational analysis suggest been physically violent towards them. that withholding of sex often does not occur in These f?ndings show that women who had isolation, but is associated with other difficulties been threatened or physically assaulted by their within the relationship, including physical partner were almost three times more likely to violente: experience forced sex by their partner than women who had not been threatened or ‘ If a man is (physically] abusing a wife.. . usually assaulted. Likewise, these respondents were two tbat bad mood takes him over. ..He takes that and a half times more likely to have sex mood to bed with him so that he sleeps with his withdrawn than women who had not been back to you, his wife.’ (Focus group discussion, threatened or physically assaulted. A less strong women farm workers) association was found between women whose partner forced them to ha;e sex and physical Forced sex too may follow physical violente or violente by someonel other than their partner. be part of the abuse. Many clients at Musasa This is probably because many of these report that during or after a violent incident, perpetrators are from the respondents’ extended their partner forces them to have sex. In the family, who may support their partner’ s abusive situational analysis, participants also discussed and controlling behaviour. how women may be beaten and forced to have sex if they try to refuse their partner’ s demands for sex: Wben is sex forced? Univariate analysis was used to identify whether ‘ As a woman, if you turn down his sexual there are particular factors that are significantly advances you can get beaten up for that. A man associated with the occurrence of forced sex can even tel1 you that sex is the reason he married within a relationship (Table 2). you. You as the wife will not have sex only if he Forced sex-was- most likely to be reported by 60 Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 6, No. 12, November 1998 Table 2. Factors significantly associated with forced sex by partner Factor 95 per cent Effective Significante Per cent Odds ratio confidence sample size leve1 repotting partner interval forced sex Currentlymarried 26 per cent 1.71 1.10-2.65 885 0.016 Respondent has own income 27 per cent 1.48 1.06 - 2.06 877 0.021 Knows that partner has girlfriend 44 per cent 2.43* 1.41-4.19 750 0.001 Partner drinks/takesdrugs 29 per cent 1.4 1.00-1.95 781 0.048 *Responses of yes vs. no or unsure women who currently had a partner (26 per When is sex withdrawn? cent), than by women who were separated or Some men stop having sex with their partners divorced (24 per cent), widowed (18 per cent) or when they discover that they themselves have an single (4 per cent). Among married women, STI or are HIV positive. One man stopped having significant differences were found between sex with his wife to protect her from HIV women with different forms of union - with the infection, but did not tell her that was why: highest proportion of women reporting forced sex among those with the most forma1 type of ‘ My husband started acting very strange. Every union (33 per cent for women with a magistrate’ s time I wanted to have sex OI- made moves towards wedding), and the lowest proportion among him he would become upset and try to find any women who were living together with their excuse not to have sex. At times he would even partner and not married (16 per cent). Forced sex become violent and later on apologise, saying he was more likely to be reported by women who did not know why he did not fee1 like having sex had their own income, and women who knew nowadays. I decided to give him some time, that their partner had a girlfriend. Women thinking he would change. But up to now he has whose partners drank alcohol or took drugs not changed. He has been tested and he is were also more likely to report forced sex. This positive, and now I understand why he behaved was most common for women who reported that that way.’ (Participant in HIV/AIDS research their partner drank on most days (37 per cent). conducted by Musasa) These findings raise important questions concerning who is vulnerable to forced sex by While this illustrates a protective dimension to their regular partner, and why this may occur. A the withdrawal of sex, as Meursing and Sibanda woman who has an income, or who has some describe, such measures are often temporary legal entitlements within her marriage may fee1 and may not be sustained if symptoms of ill that she has the right at times to refuse sex. The health disappear.3 same may also hold for women who know that More generally, however, it appears that men their partner has other girlfriends, or when a stop having sex when there are problems in the partner is drunk or on drugs. However, our relationship. Univariate analysis was used to Endings suggest that women in any of these identify whether there were factors that were situations were more likely to be forced by their significantly associated with women reporting partner to have sex than other women. In that their partner had stopped sex when they addition, as there are strong links between would have liked sex to continue (Table 3). forced sex and physical violente, it may even be Of women who were divorced or separated, that women who fee1 entitled to refuse unwanted 27 per cent reported that their partner had sex by their partner are vulnerable to both forced stopped sex. In many instances, this may have sex and physical violente. signalled the start of or occurred during the process of separation. Indeed, the association 61 Watts, Keogh, Ndlow, Kwaramba Table 3. Factors significantly associated with partner withholding sex Per cent Odds ratio Significante Factor 95 per cent Effective leve1 reporting partner confidence sample size withheld sex interval Knows that partner has been married previously 22 per cent 1.57" 1.08 - 2.28 772 0.017 Partner has other wives 26 per cent 1.98 1.29 - 3.05 744 0.002 Knows that partner has other girlfriends 32 per cent 2.52* 1.41 -4.52 740 0.001 Lives in rural location 19 per cent 1.43 0.99 - 2.05 868 0.054 Partner does not hug her in loving ways 30 per cent 2.34 1.50 - 3.66 856 0.001 *Yes vs. no or unsure between sex and a continuing relationship was Men may create this situation for many reasons so important, as one counsellor at Musasa - including to ensure that there is someone to look explained, that women may accept sex after a after their children. Women may endure such an violent incident because for them it is a sign that arrangement because they are often highly de- their partner still loves and wants to be with pendent upon a continued relationship for their them, despite the violente. own and their children’ s survival. Of women in an ongoing relationship, 16 per What also emerges from the qualitative cent also reported that their partner had stopped findings is that men may withdraw sex within an sex. The quantitative analysis suggests that this ongoing relationship to punish their partner, or may be associated with other important changes - as a way to force their partner to do something such as the partner having an extra-marital affair, against her wilL or taking another wife. The qualitative findings suggest that although this may not always signi@ A client came to Musasa seeking advice about her the end of their relationship, it may substantially husband. He had been having an affair with her alter the woman’ s status and role within the sister for some time, and had decided to marry relationship. For example, as one HIV/AIDS her. She refused to agree to their marriage, so he counsellor described, a man may take a girlfriend stopped havìng sex with her - stating that as she and stop sex with his wife, essentially relegating was pum’ shing her sister, he would punish her. her to the position of a domestic servant: (Case history, Musasa Project) ‘ 1 think another form of abuse obviously is when Again, men are able to manipulate the situation the husband has a girlfriend, he wil1 make it so in this way because”of the substantial power obvious to the wife that he does not really care for inequalities that exist tithin relationships, and her because he has somebody better, but he because of women’ s economie and emotional would want to keep this wife as if she is just a dependence upon them. house maid, because the wife wil1 do the cooking, the washing of his clothes. He has somebody whom he takes out and has a good time with, but Perceptions about the acceptability of the wife is deprived of what should be part of the forced sex and the withdrawal of sex marital set-up, the relationship that they are There is currently a debate going on in supposed to have as man and wife.’ Zimbabwe about whether forced sex in marriage (Semi-structured interview, male HIV/AIDS is acceptable, and whether it should be called counsellor) rape. It is commonly believed that men have a 62 Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 6, No. 12, November 1998 right to have sex with their wives whenever they themselves vulnerable to assault and to forced want - except at specific times when sex is taboo. sex by their partner. In Zimbabwean law, rape within marriage is not As with forced sex, beliefs concerning the recognised. However, partictilarly given the acceptability of the withdrawal of sex are current risk of HIV/AIDS, it is increasingly being influenced by beliefs as to whether women have argued that unprotected sex in situations of risk the right to have sex regularly within a relation- ship, and the context that led to sex being is unacceptab1e.l In practice, men and women’ s perceptions as to whether forced sex is stopped. In particular, given the current risks of acceptable or not depend upon the context in HIV/AIDS, if the withdrawal of sex occurs which it has occurred (such as whether the because a man has another girlfriend or an STI, this may be seen as beneficial: woman was pregnant or the man drunk), and the degree of physical force used. ‘ As long as he does not beat me up or bother me Similarly, there are mixed perceptions and my children I do not care. With his AIDS concerning whether the withdrawal of sex by problems I do not care. After all, he is saving my men is important or detrimental. In the life. He wil1 come back when he is tired and needs situational analysis, participants of both sexes someone to take care ofhim before he dies.’ discussed how both men and women may stop (Client at Musasa) having sex when there is a problem in the relationship, or following a dispute - and said However, perceptions may be less supportive that this was not of concern as long as it did not if sex stops because a man wants to separate or last very long. However, they also discussed how in practise men are able to choose when and for take another partner, or if it is being used as a how long to stop sex, and to withdraw sex to means of threatening a partner. This can be punish or threaten their partner. In contrast, perceived as a substantial threat, particularly by women who attempted to do the same would women, since these may have severe economie potentially jeopardise the relationship, and make consequences for her and her children. Conse- 63 Watts, Keogh, Ndlovu, Kwaramha quently, women in this situation may actively relationships.lO,ll This is understandable as seek help or advice from members of their forced sex by an intimate partner often has extended family. One woman even sought immense psychological and physical conse- redress through the law: quences for a woman’ s health.l* However, our ílndings suggest that in Zimbabwe, the with- A woman who had been married for a number of drawal of sex within a relationship is also years went to the Community Liaison Officer important, as it may be associated with losing a when her husband took a second wife. She had husband or boyfriend’ s favour, and possibly complained to her husband that he did not share being replaced by another woman. Particularly his love equally. When she complained, her as women are often financially dependent upon husband assaulted her. She then took her case to men, this means not only loss of love, but the police, and later to the community court. may also have severe economie consequences. In (Case history from police records) a country where poverty is increasingly rife and the economie struggle for survival immense, this may threaten a woman’ s entire livelihood and Conclusion result in her losing her children. Improving women’ s reproductive health involves As with forced sex, the withdrawal of sex rep- empowering women to have control over their resents an abuse of power within a relationship. sexual lives. However, in Zimbabwe women’ s Both forms of control are supported by the same lack of economie security and opportunity creates gender inequalities that help to perpetuate physi- cal violente within relationships. Future research dependenties that make women unable to exercise choice within their sexual relationships. on domestic violente and sexuality needs to ex- The study flndings illustrate the degree to which plore further the contexts in which men may with- in practice, women have to submit to their hold sex within relationships, and the implications for women and their children and families. partner’ s demands for sex. Indeed, the findings suggest that women who may fee1 that they have Acknowledgements the right to choose not to have sex are most at risk of forced sex (and potentially physical violente). We are indebted to the many participants in the Although women are often taught that they study. Various parts of the study were funded by the Centre for Health and Gender Equity should not enjoy sex, the hndings suggest that many women view sex and love as a right within fformerly the Health and Development Policy marriage. The findings also illustrate how, in Project) USA, and by Charity Projects UK through Womankind Worldwide. Charlotte Watts is practice, women have a limited ability to control or demand sex in marriage - particularly if a currently funded by Women, Health and partner chooses to stop having sex with her, she Development, WHO. often has little option but to accept this situation. In other settings, women also have the option to Correspondence withhold sex, but in Zimbabwe, the threat of Charlotte Watts, Health Policy Unit, London violente or separation makes this highly unlikely. School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, Keppel Current debates concerning sexual violente in Street, Londen WC1E 7HT, UK. Fax: 44-171-637- marriage have focused upon forced sex within 5391. E-mail: c.watis@lshtm.ac.uk References 1. Lowenson R, Edwards L, and Dartmouth. Reproductive Health Matters. Ndlovu-Hove P, 1996. 3. Meursing K, Sibanda F, 1995. 7(May):46-54. Reproductive Health Rights in Condoms, family planning and 5. Women and Lawin Southern Zimbabwe. Training and living with HIV in Zimbabwe. Africa. Armstong and Ncube Research Support Centre, Reproductive Health Matters. (eds). Women and Law in Harare and Ford Foundation. 5(May):56-67. Southern Africa, Zimbabwe 2. Sylvester C, 1991. Zimbabwe: 4. Njovana E, Watts C, 1996. Publisbing House, Harare, 1987. The Terrain of Contradictory Gender violente in Zimbabwe: a 6. Ndlovu M, Watts C, Njovana E Development. Westview Press, need for collaborative action. n et al, 1999. Violente against Reproductive Health Matters, Vol. 6, No. 12, November 1998 women in Zimbabwe: a Workshop, Harare, February Gagnon J (eds). Routledge, New situational analysis. Musasa 1997. York. Project, Harare. (Unpublished) 9. Watts C, Ndlovu M, Keogh E et ll. Heise L, Moore K, oubia N, 1995. Violente Against Women. al, 1998. The Extent and Health Sexual Coercion and Women, Health and Consequences of Violente Reproductive Health: A Focus on Development, Family and Against Women in Zimbabwe. Research. Population Council, Reproductive Health, World Musasa Project Report, Harare. New York. Health Organization, Geneva, 10. Heise L, 1995. Violente, 12. Heise L, 1994. Violente Against 1997. sexuality and women’ s lives. Women: The Hidden Health Violente against women in Conceiving Sexuality: Burden. World Bank Discussion Zimbabwe: strategies for action. Approaches to Sex Research in a Papers 225, World Bank, Report of Musasa Project Postmodern World. Parker R, Washington DC. Résumé Remmen De 1995 à 1997, le Projet Musasa à Harare a mené Entre 1995 y 1997, el Proyecto Musasa de Harare, des recherches sur l’ ampleur et les conséquences Zimbawe, llevó a cabo una investigación sobre la pour la santé des violences exercées contre des violencia contra las mujeres por parte de sus femmes par leurs partenaires sexuels au parejas sexuales para ilustrar su magnitud y sus Zimbabwe. Un fait inattendu s’ est dégagé de consecuencias para la salííd. Un tema imprevisto cette étude : la mesure dans laquelle les maris/ que salió a relucir fue el hecho de que no sólo el partenaires habituels des femmes non seulement 25 % de los maridos/parejas asiduas forzaban a forçaient celles-ci à avoir des rapports (25 %), las mujeres a mantener relaciones sexuales, sino mais aussi parfois refusaient de continuer la que un 17% dejaban de tenerlas. Ambas formas relation (17 %), Les hommes appliquaient l’ une de coacción pueden ser utilizadas por los ou l’ autre forme de coercition pour punk ou tenir hombres coma una manera de castigar o sous leur joug leurs partenaires. L’ imposition controlar a sus parejas. Los hombres que forcée et/ou le refus de rapports sexuels étaient amenazaban o eran físicamente violentos hacia plus courantes chez les hommes qui menaçaient sus parejas eran más dados a forzarlas ou maltraitaient leurs partenaires que chez les sexualmente, 0 a retirar el contact0 sexual que los non-violents. Le refus de poursuivre une relation no violentos. La retirada sexual estaba asociada pouvait entraîner des effets potentiellement con cambios potencialmente importantes en la importants, comme la séparation, le remariage relación - incluyendo la separación, el marido avec une autre femme ou la prise d’ une maî- tomando una nueva esposa o novia - y la tresse, en obligeant la femme à accepter cette intención de forzar a sus esposas a aceptar esta nouvelle situation. L’ imposition de rapports nueva situación. El sexo forzado se daba más en sexuels se produisait plutôt dans des contextes contextos en que la mujer pueda haberse sentido où la femme avait pu estimer être en droit de se con derecho a rehusarlo, coma por ejemplo si refuser, par exemple quand elle savait que son sabía que su pareja tenía tma amante. Por otra partenaire avait une maîtresse. 11 arrivait aussi, parte, algunos hombres abandonaban las en revanche, que des hommes cessent tous relaciones sexuales para proteger a sus esposas rapports sexuels avec leurs femmes pour les de las enfermedades de transmisión sexual. La protéger d’ une infection sexuellement trans- retirada sexual era interpretado por las mujeres missible. Le refus de rapports était interprété par coma una señal de que la relación estaba llegando a su fin, 10 cual representaba no solo les femmes comme un signe que la relation avec leur partenaire risquait d’ être rompue, ce qui una pérdida amorosa, sino también de la seguridad económica y de sus hijos/as. En el représentait une perte non seulement sur le plan sentimental, mais éventuellement aussi sur celui future, es necesario que las investigaciones de la sécurité matérielle peur la femme et ses sobre la violencia y la sexualidad exploren no enfants. Dans les recherches futures sur la sólo el sexo forzado, sino también la retirada violente et la sexualité, il faudra étudier non sexual en las relaciones. seulement le fait d’ imposer des rapports sexuels, mais aussi celui de les refuser au sein du couple.

Journal

Sexual and Reproductive Health MattersTaylor & Francis

Published: Jan 1, 1998

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